Introduction
Platform:
Enhancement of
Human Capital Development: Towards Educational Excellence
Salie Abrahams
A
translation and commentary of Kitāb al-Arba‘īn fi ’t-Taṣawwuf
[The Forty Ḥadīth on Sufism] by Shaykh Abū-‘Abd-al-Rahmān
al-Sulamī (d.412/1021)
Translation
and commentary by Fakhruddin Owaisi
South
African Muslim Thought: External Influences and Internal Dynamics
Muhammed Haron
Trusts and Waqf:
Negotiating the concept of religious endowments in
Ighsaan Taliep, Dawood Terblanche and Auwais
Rafudeen
Book
Review:
Riddell
Peter. 2001. Islam and the Malay-Indonesian World: Transmission and
Responses.
Azra,
Azyumardi. 2004. The origin of Islamic Reformism in Southeast Asia: Networks
of Malay-Indonesian and Middle Eastern Ulama in the 17th c and 18th
c.
Muhammed
Haron
Introduction
Our platform series
seeks not only to edify but also provide opportunities for challenging and
perhaps inspiring reflection. Dr Salie Abrahams has, it can be argued, done
both: edification through insights from
the field of psychology on the relationship between education, excellence and
human development; and, in the light of this, challenging some commonly held
perceptions through an integrative, universalistic approach to Islamic studies.
Shaykh Fakhruddin Owaisi has translated a
highly significant Sufi text by renowned scholar Shaykh
Abū-‘Abd-al-Rahmān al-Sulamī (d.412/1021). The
text is significant both because of its early date, being further evidence that
Sufi theory was not a belated addition to the Islamic corpus of knowledge, as
well as for its intrinsic value. This value has been thoroughly enriched by
Shaykh Fakhruddin’s learned commentary and contextualization of
al-Sulamī’s work.
We are privileged to host two articles by
acclaimed academic Professor Muhammed Haron. Professor Haron, who is now based
at the
Finally, Shaykh Ighsaan Taliep, Shaykh Dawood
Terblanche and myself have attempted to make a foray into the contentious area
of mosque management. In particular, we
have provided an initial historical and empirical survey of how mosques in
A. Rafudeen
Platform:
Enhancement of Human Capital Development: Towards
Educational Excellence
Dr Salie Abrahams
Introduction
“Surely We have
brought them a Book which We expounded with knowledge: a guidance and a mercy
to those who believe.” [1]
The opening title of this paper introduces four key concepts that have important connotations for humanity and particularly for Islamic civilization.
The dynamic inter-relationships between these four concepts together with the exploration of related Islamic injunctions can have important impacts and consequences for Muslims. In this paper I will explore the implications of these interrelationships and build theory for Muslims involved in developing human resources and capacity through education. In conclusion, I will suggest some practical recommendations for capacity building for the realization of the promise of human potential.
Human Resources:
Promise and Potential
As human beings we are blessed with abundant resources. The human being is indeed a miracle of creation. Human resources have to do with the assets, properties, characteristics, potentials and the promise of human beings and mankind. We are set apart from all other creations with high and special status. All human beings are blessed with opportunity, possibility and potential. One of the essential ingredients to unleash our full potential is confidence and high self esteem. The greater our confidence level the more likely we are to maximize our opportunity and achieve our potential. If we provide nurturing environments and develop positive attitudes we enable human beings to be confident and boundless. One of the greatest obstacles to human beings achieving their full potential is the fear of failure, an attitude which cripples us into the belief that we cannot and that things are impossible and the profound teachings of the Holy Qur’an reminds us that:
“On no soul does Allah place a burden greater than it can bear.” [2]
I suggest eight essential characteristics which allow us to think big and enable us to unleash our full potential;
Have faith in the Almighty and follow the Prophetic Sunnah. Dua often reflects our vision for a desired state of being. Remember and believe that Prayers come true. In fact, be careful of the Prayers you make- they have a mysterious way of actualizing.
Do not be afraid to fail, failure is part of the foundation of success. Stand up after a failure and persevere. The fear of failure has kept many talented persons from achieving their full potential.
Ideas are meant to be boundless, do not constrain yourself. Have an
“I can” attitude.
Often important innovative ideas are put down by people with negative small- mindedness. Seek out open- minded people and avoid people who create obstacles even before you start working on your ideas.
Do not wait or procrastinate too long. Take considered action and get into the habit of taking action. Many great innovations have been left by the wayside because of inaction.
‘Think outside the box’ is a metaphor to encourage us to explore outside the taken- for- granted parameters. Stimulate creativity by discovering paths that are less worn, less traveled.
Constantly try and experiment in different ways with ideas. Practice improves performance and superior performance often leads to superior outcomes.
It has been observed that the more you enjoy an activity the more you become successful at it. Therefore, enjoy the journey of discovery.
Having a goal, an ambition and even a dream makes the outcome more possible. It is important to visualize where you want to be, to conceptualize where you are going. Having those visions make your goals more attainable, more probable. [3]
Human Development and
the Enhancement of Human Capital
By being alive and interacting with our environment we enhance our human capital or our human resources all the time. Human development is intricately involved with the growth, improvement, enhancement and actualization of human beings and we by nature strive to actualize ourselves. Our physical state, age, temperament, intelligence, perceptual capacities, social and family background and emotional makeup all have something to do with our development as psycho- social and moral spiritual beings. While all these factors tend to contribute to our uniqueness as human beings, our education and moral values particularly make us very different.
Human development by itself is therefore about the growth of human capital and human resources. The more conducive and the more nurturing the environment is, the faster and deeper the development and growth of human beings. Psychologically speaking, despite the fact that human beings are very resilient, the more neglect and disadvantage a human being is subjected to, the slower and shallower the development. A psychological approach to human development allows us to see human beings as a changing system, dependant on its biology and psychology and constantly subject to the effects of the experience and learning from the environment.
Clearly then, human development and the enhancement of human resources and capital can be enhanced by interventions which provide nurturing environments. Teaching strategies and skills and giving intellectual tools enable human beings to grow even further.
All human beings have in their destiny the elements for improvement and actualization. We are growing all the time. As Muslims we believe we are on an upward spiral towards growth and development and even in the after life we look forward to a new phase of our development, in life after death. As Muslims therefore we have the potential and promise for growth in this life and in the hereafter.
Education
Education has to do with the edifying, the enlightening, the intellectual capacity, the scholarly and the academic; those essential civilizing aspects of humanity. It is through education that Muslim society will progress. In Islam we do not make a distinction between formal and informal education. Education is concerned with all aspects of the development of mankind. We accept the notion of life long education; “from the cradle to the grave.” In Islam we do not make a distinction between the secular and the spiritual, both are intricately intertwined. The concept of education in Islam is therefore about this world and the hereafter. It is about the material and the spiritual. We have to be adequately equipped to live in this world and we have to be prepared for the life in the hereafter. In our prayers we therefore ask the Almighty:
“O Allah grant us good in this world and good in the hereafter”. [4]
In a groundbreaking treatise on education, Al-Attas defines the concept of education in Islam as; “the recognition and acknowledgement progressively instilled into man, of the proper places of things in the order of creation, such that it leads to the recognition and the proper place of God in the order of being and existence. He links the concept of discipline (adab) to education by suggesting that adab “is the discipline that assures the recognition of body, mind and soul; the discipline that assures the recognition and acknowledgement of one’s proper place in relation to one’s physical, intellectual and spiritual capacities and potentials....”
The concept of wisdom (hikmah) and justice (‘adl) are the enabling notions through which education is actualized. The purpose therefore of seeking knowledge through education is to inculcate goodness in mankind. As Al-Attas says; “The end of education in Islam is to produce a good man”. [5]
Throughout the world there are many Muslim institutions engaged in education; edifying and enlightening, building intellectual capacity and encouraging scholarly and academic quests and pursuits. In a short but penetrating philosophical article, Fataar postulates that: “to cultivate, in a creative, intellectually substantiated and patient manner a discourse (an approach) that will help us break through our normal everyday existence, one that will allow us to view the world in a different and more enabling light, (that) will move this community from intellectual and social complacency to an intense grappling and identification with localized concerns of Muslims and other communities.” [6]
This implies that Muslims in our educational endeavors must be able to openly and critically engage discussion where differences and disagreements are not only tolerated but also encouraged. In this way we will be better able to rise above the challenges that Muslims face and to overcome the very difficult socio-political conditions that we encounter in this millennium. Through education we can teach an Islam that is attractive, we can practice an Islam that is alluring; demonstrate an Islam that is appealing, and expound an Islam that strives for excellence.
Excellence
Excellence has to do with merit, quality, distinction and the brilliance of human beings. Excellence can be conferred on an individual but ought not to be accepted by that individual. Excellence is something sought after and aspired to but never achieved, often striven for and pursued but seldom attained. Mankind has a combination of God- given attributes that enable us to reach for the stars and still land on the moon. The highlights of human history are certainly the accomplishments that human beings have achieved over the millennia. Human beings have indeed reached and achieved distinction and brilliance in many endeavors, the list of the distinctions of course, too many to enumerate. Our Prophet Muhammad, Peace and Blessing Be upon him, says emphatically;
“Indeed Allah has prescribed (on you) excellence in all things.” [7]
In Islam excellence should be an aspiration in all things and at all times.
A survey of the literature on excellence and an examination of successful people that have aspired to excellence reveal certain attributes and characteristics that are worth mentioning; Steven Covey[8] has written several books on the subject of excellence and highly effective people and he lists seven habits of highly effective people:
Habit 1: Be Proactive
Take the initiative and act upon it.
Habit 2: Begin
with an End in Mind
Visualize what you what to achieve. Design your project and begin with roles, goals and outcomes.
Habit 3: Put
First Things First
Decide what is urgent and important and what is not urgent
and unimportant.
Habit 4: Think
Win/Win
Explore mutual benefits and mutually satisfying outcomes for all involved.
Habit 5: Seek
First to Understand, Then to be understood
Know how to be understood, diagnose before you prescribe.
Habit 6: Synergize
The whole is greater than the sum of its parts, be ecological; build on strengths and differences. There is a bigger picture and the component parts are essential.
Habit 7: Sharpen
the Saw
Make sure you have the right tools including the following; the physical, the mental, the socio-emotional as well as the spiritual faculties
People who aspire to excellence and who show extraordinary success in their lives often display particular characteristics. Tom Peters [9] in his best-selling book lists three main qualities of people that strive for excellence:
Ultimate excellence of course belongs to our Creator, our Lord the Perfect. Despite the fact that human beings have achieved spectacular moments of excellence and brilliance, we strive for excellence, but excellence is seldom achieved. For us excellence becomes an aspiration but never an achievement. Of all of the creations Muslims believe that only the Prophet Muhammad ‘Peace and Blessings Be upon Him’ has achieved a state of excellence. The Prophet, Peace and Blessings Be upon Him, is the only human being that can achieve this-he is the ultimate example and exemplar to Muslims and mankind.
Dynamic
Interrelationships and
There is a dynamic interplay between the concepts of human promise, the growth of human capital, education and excellence. Through education of the right kind and through the striving for excellence we can influence very strongly the growth of human capital so that individuals can achieve their promise and potential.
To understand human development in this dynamic way we have to take into account how human beings actualize themselves and negotiate and make meaning in the context in which they find themselves. The human being has cognitive ability, intellectual and thinking capacity. The human being also exists in a particular cultural context which makes a substantial contribution to understanding our world and how we interact in that world. The human being also lives in a social world interacting with others in an interpersonal context.
The three elements of the cognitive capacity, the cultural
context and the interpersonal dynamics interact in dynamic ways to make us
intra-individual, inter-individual as well as socio-cultural beings:
1.
The intra-individual (inside the individual)
dimension is the area of cognitive processes of constructing, reflecting and
consolidating the individual.
2.
The inter-personal (between individuals) dimension
is the area where human beings participate in social interaction and negotiate
meaning.
3.
The socio-cultural (the social and cultural)
dimension is where human beings encounter the cultural mores and norms and
culturally defined expectations which becomes the aspiration, hopes and desires
of the human being.
This model which Haste[10] calls the Vygotsky[11] Triangle model can be conceptualized as follows:
Intra-Individual
The human being Internally experiences concepts in a social
practice and social negotiation of meaning that brings
complexity to the encounter with the world.
Interpersonal
The human being learns through Interpersonal social contexts
like the media, parents, teachers, peers, the justification
for making sense of his own intra-individual thinking
which further develops understanding.
Cultural Context
Interaction with others in a particular Cultural Context provides frameworks to define and understand meaning-making on the individual as well as the interpersonal level. [12]
As Muslims and believers we should add a fourth dimension this model. The fourth level can be conceptualized as the Spiritual Level which is about belief; the divine, the sacred, the religious, and the revered.
Given the model above it becomes clear that in a particular society we should educate by developing and focusing on human capacity, human potential and excellence on these four levels:
As a consequence of the above, we improve the prospects of making deeper impacts in such a manner that we can transform Muslim society. In other words we must have an integrated approach to education; education which focuses on the individual, the social setting as well as the cultural and spiritual context. Education which can happen in all four of these dimensions will be more effective than just in formal school- bound contexts. Further, not only must education focus on all four dimensions, but it must also center on the outcomes that we want to pursue.
Education must therefore focus on desirable outcomes such as an aware, reflective human being by;
1. Developing Human Potential,
2. Valuing and Enhancing Human Capital
3. Teaching and Developing Excellence
4. Encouraging Belief and the Exposition of Islam
Recommendations and
Conclusion
Education is a key element for the survival, the success and the flourishing of Muslim society. As Muslims we do not live as a separated and isolated community. We live in close proximity to other belief systems, cultures and societies. We live in a multi-cultural pluralistic world, and we have a choice between particularism and universalism. In an incisive article on Islam and civilization, Siraaj Hendricks points out that “Islam is as much defined by its distinctive religious traits as it is by universal doctrines and perspectives”[13]. Hendricks goes further by stating that “It is entirely dependant on the Muslim Ummah, and particularly its leadership, whether it will emphasize – in its exposition of Islam – its universal or its particularistic aspects.
As Muslims it is not our duty to convert; it is our duty to expound. We need to do that in the spirit of the Qur’an where Allah states;
“And invite to the way of your Lord with wisdom and sound reasoning and argue with them in ways that are (excellent) best and gracious. For your Lord knows who have strayed from His path and who receive guidance.”[14]
2007 places us at a particular edge regarding world developments and tragic events such as the Occupation of Palestine, the Invasion of Afghanistan, September 11, the invasion of Iraq and July 7 has brought religion and particularly Islam into public debate in the media as well as academic institutions like never before. The thesis of a “Clash of Civilizations” has contributed to even more polarization. Islamic academic institutions are under close scrutiny from the outside as well as from the inside.
The content of what is taught in Islamic institutions, the didactics and how these contents are taught, the ideology of the institutions and where it is taught and finally who teaches the orientation of the academic staff and where they were trained are now more than ever before, issues that matter. We cannot isolate ourselves from other societies, indeed there is much that we can learn from them. Western societies have much to teach us about developing human potential, they have much to say about human resource development, they have much to teach us about aspiring to excellence. So, we must learn from them and appropriate it for Islam. Indeed it has been said that; “A word which contains wisdom is the stray beast of the wise man so wherever he finds it he is the most entitled to it”. [15]
Many Islamic scholars agree that there is enough evidence in the holy Qur’an that support inter-faith and cultural dialogues and pluralism. The following well-known verse from the Holy Qur'an is often used to justify and encourage this approach:
“O Mankind! We created you from a single (pair) of male and female and made you into nations and tribes that ye may know each other (not despise each other). Verily the most honoured of you in the sight of Allah is (he who is) the most righteous of you. And Allah has full knowledge and is well acquainted (with all things)”[16]
In a world of intolerance, mistrust, despair and the projection of war and catastrophe the notion of the “Clash of Civilization” is largely accepted, but this is not a fait accompli. There is much hope and optimism for peace and freedom. Muslim can play an active role to avert this catastrophe. We need to be vigilant, we can do much consciously or unconsciously to decrease strife, tension and intolerance by what we teach and how we teach in our academic institutions.
We live in a pluralistic world; there are many diverse belief systems, distinct faiths and distinctive cultures. We have choices and we could, in our Islamic institutions either recoil from or fear differences or we could choose to connect with other cultures and celebrate diversity. Islamic institutions in my view simply have no other choice.
We have to connect with other cultures, celebrate diversity; the consequences of not doing so is too ghastly to contemplate.
Islam is an integral part of this world and critical and selective assimilation from other cultures and civilizations has been part of Islam since the beginning. The teaching of religion and religious studies has to incorporate the celebration of this diversity. The strategic and cultural importance of higher education cannot be over emphasized. It is clear from history that the spirit and ethos as well as the overall quality of a particular nation or civilization are rooted and reflected in its institutions of higher learning. As each nation or civilization becomes influential it tends to develop leading intellectual centers of its world. Islamic institutions have an important strategic and cultural role and responsibility to bring about these intellectual qualities.
Islamic institutions in the 21st century have a special opportunity and a great responsibility to ensure that the time ahead, to quote Dickens’s Tale of Two Cities, is not a season of Darkness but a season of Light, not a Time of Despair, but a Time of Hope, not an Era of Foolishness but an Era of Wisdom and that wisdom implies a time of reaching out to become part of the other while sustaining our individuality and our heritage. Islam by it very nature is pluralistic and pluralism is what we have to pursue. We have choices to make; we can recoil in the apprehension of differences or connect with others and celebrate diversity.
In his lecture tour of
As I indicated earlier, seeking of knowledge and education has to do with the edifying, the enlightening, the intellectual capacity, the scholarly and the academic; those essential civilizing aspects of humanity. It is through education that Muslim society will progress. We simply cannot adopt an approach where we separate this world and the afterlife, the body from the mind or the secular from the spiritual.
Where Muslims are in minority and not in positions of power, we need to strategize and maneuver as well as reach out and engage in dialogue. Where Muslims are in the majority and in powerful positions we must utilize this position of power to promote Islamic values and not be dogmatic and dictate. Now more than ever, polarization, narrow-mindedness and prejudice need to be replaced with the exchange of ideas, discussion, dialogue, open-mindedness. Adjustments and alignments, which promote interaction in both the content and the process of the academic curriculum of Islamic institutions, will have to be made. With the help of Allah, through education which focuses on human potential, human development and the pursuit of excellence, we shall overcome. We must not become the victims of our circumstances but rather the victors and masters of our own destiny.
Your God is One God, There is no God but He;
The Most Merciful, the Most Compassionate.
To guide those who use their reason (to this Truth)
There are many signs in the structure of the heavens and the earth,
In the constant alternation of the night and the day [18]
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Peters, Tom and Austin,
A translation and commentary of Kitāb al-Arba‘īn fi
’t-Tasawwuf [The Forty Ḥadīth on Sufism] by Shaykh
Abū-‘Abd-al-Rahmān al-Sulamī (d.412/1021)
Translation and commentary by Fakhruddin Owaisi
The origins of Sufism (Ar. Tasawwuf), the mystical/spiritual tradition of Islam, has for long been an issue of contention. Muslim reformist critics as well as many non-Muslim researchers (until recently) have contended that Sufism is derived from a variation of pre-Islamic religious forms (or leftovers of them), which were inherited by Muslims and incorporated, consciously or unconsciously into Islam.
Thus, Buddhist asceticism, Hindu paganism, Greek pantheism, Christian saint- worship, Persian metaphysical philosophy and even ‘Jewish conspiracy’, have been claimed to be the origins or probable origins of Sufism.
Muslim reformist/puritanist scholarship had it’s conscious and sub-conscious religious, social and political reasons for arriving at such a conclusion regarding Sufism, the explanation of which does not concern us here. To quote Tayob, it was at best, “uneasy with the presence of magic and superstition……attributed to the effects of a degenerate Sufism which, in local cultures and customs, was believed to have contaminated Islam”.[19] In the process of ‘cleansing Islam’, “the outological hierarchy in pre-modern Sufism of sayyids, sharifs and ‘divine poles’(qutbs), was rejected”.[20] The works of the Egyptian and Pakistani puritanist scholars, Ridā (d.1358/1938) and Mawdūdī (d.1399/1979), for example, reflect this tendency.
On the other hand, Western suspicions regarding Sufism and its supposed Islamic nature and origin, can safely be traced back to the image and vision of Islam existing in the European mindset during the late nineteenth and early twentieth century, the era of great tension between the European colonialists and their Muslim subjects.
At the outset, Islam was generally perceived as an aggressive religion consisting mainly of a set of strict and unbreakable rules. It was an image of a ‘dry’ religion, very vocal on the exterior, very hollow in the interior. Then, Sufism was discovered, with its elaborate philosophy of deep mystical realities and rich spiritual tradition. The two, Islam and Sufism, seemed so inconsistent that an anomaly was created. The approach most western scholars took was to try to divorce the two, or simply take it for granted that the two were separate philosophies.
Reflecting this sentiment, Nasr states: “The vast majority of Western authors, perhaps because they do not want to admit to the presence of a real spiritual dimension in Islam, have come up with all kinds of theories to explain the origin of Sufism, theories which actually all deal with the outward expressions of Sufism and not with the thing itself”.[21]
Nasr stresses that: “Almost always what has existed behind all these arguments has been the a priori assumption that Islam is not a Divine revelation and therefore cannot possibly have a genuine spiritual dimension of its own. There is also the age-old belief in the west that Islam is just a simple and crude ‘religion of the sword’, which has moulded a social order by force, so that everything of a contemplative or metaphysical nature in it must have been borrowed externally”.[22]
Nevertheless, Sufis themselves and traditional Islamic scholarship have viewed Sufism in a different light. Ibn-Khaldūn (d.808/1406), the great medieval historian of Islam, wrote:
“Sufism belongs to the sciences of the religious law that originated in Islam. It is based on (the fact) that the practices of its adherents had always been present among the forbears of Islamic nations and the eminent ones in it, such as the companions (of the Prophet), their successors and those who followed them (on the) way of the truth and guidance. The foundation (of the Sufi way) is upon constant application to divine worship, complete devotion to Allah, shunning of the false splendor and beauty of the world, abstinence from the pleasure, property, and position to which the majority of the people aspire, and isolation from creatures in seclusion and devotion to worship. These things were widespread among the Companions and the forebears (of Islam), but with the pervasiveness of worldliness from the second century (A.H.) and thereafter; and with the general inclination of the people toward the world, those who remained attached to worship became known as Sufis”.[23]
Al-Suyūtī (d. 911/1505), one of the most versatile and celebrated scholars of classical Islam states:
“Sufism in itself is a most honorable knowledge. It explains how to follow the way of the Prophet (S.A.W.) and abandon innovation, how to purify the inner self…and submit to Allah truly”.[24]
Sufis themselves have claimed that the ultimate sources of their way are the Book of God and the Messenger of God. Dr. Ansārī, a contemporary Sufi intellectual emphatically states that: “Tasawwuf is nothing else but the effort to fulfill the mission of the Holy Prophet (S.A.W.) as mentioned in the Holy Qur’ān”.[25]
In any case, this type of approach to Sufism (i.e. that of divorcing it from Islam) has generally been overcome in the last few decades of the twentieth century, both amongst Muslim and Western scholars, an important reason for this being deeper studies of Sufism and Sufi texts. Sufism is being looked upon in a more ‘positive’ light and its relationship to the Islam more objectively. Today we find statements such as : “The roots of Tasawwuf (i.e. the Sufi path) lies in the Qur’ān. Many years ago Massingon had wrote that it is enough to read the Qur’ān several times to realise that Sufism or the Tarīqah issues forth from it. Margoliouth also admitted to the Qur’ānic origin of Sufism and of course Corbin … has confirmed this essential point many times”.[26]
Nevertheless, due to the above-mentioned reasons, not a lot attention had been given to the deep relationship existing between Sufism and Ḥadīth.[27] If Sufis and Sufism were ‘far’ from Islam, then what would they have to do with the traditions of the Prophet of Islam?
However, now that the Islamic nature and origin of Sufism is being acknowleged by a large number of Muslim as well as non-Muslim scholars, research about the relationship between Sufism and Ḥadīth is not only viable, but also a historical duty.
There is no doubt that the blessed Prophet Muhammad’s seclusions in the cave of Ḥirā‘, his subsequent encounter with the archangel Gabriel and the revelation of the Holy Qur’ān were, more than anything else, events of a highly mystical/spiritual nature and landmarks in the encounter of the human with the Divine.
The many miracles and extraordinary events performed by him and other Prophets as recorded in the Qur’ān and the canonical works of Ḥadīth, also demonstrate how Divine power can directly interfere in the profane world through the intermediary powers of holy individuals.
Modern Muslim scholars, especially those with reformist tendencies, seem to give little importance or even completely overlook these dimensions and their deep spiritual nature, when studying the life of the Prophet. To quote Tayob, for most modern Islamic thinkers:
“Before the Prophet could be a source of ritual guidance or a model for a spiritual quest, he ought first to be an example of statesmanship and revolutionary leadership”.[28]
I do not want to go into a detailed discussion on all the mystical themes of the Qur’ān and the life of the Prophet. It is sufficient however to say that as a whole, they are undeniable from the scriptural point of view, and that they have played a major role in the development of Islamic spirituality and the mysticism of the Sufis. Prof. Carl Ernst has done a very good study of the mystical themes in the Qur’ān and the life of the Prophet in The Shambhala Guide to Sufism. I quote him:
“Reducing Muhammad to the status of an influential religious reformer comes at the cost of denying the significance of much of Muslim history. Doubtless there are those who would gladly rid Christian history of all saints, miracles and monks, but such a narrow sectarian point of view hardly does justice to the richness of Christian spiritual life over the centuries. Stripping the Prophet Muhammad of all extraordinary qualities would be equally shortsighted”.[29]
Indeed, while the mystical themes of the Qur’ān and the life of the Prophet acted as the basis of the inner philosophy and nature of Sufism; then the otherworldly injunctions of the Holy Book and the ascetic personal lifestyle of the Prophet acted as the basis for the practical aspects of Sufism.
The Qur’ān itself had declared:
“And this life of the world is only amusement and play! Verily the home of the hereafter is the (real) life indeed, if they but knew”.[30]
The highly ascetic lifestyle of the blessed Prophet, as well as that of his companions and the early generations of Muslims is well known and well documented. With the gradual decadence of Muslim lifestyles, the Sufis considered themselves and were considered by others to reflect the otherworldly lifestyle of the Prophet and the pious forebears.
All the early handbooks of Sufism, “emphasize the role of the Prophet as the model and exemplar of the mystic in all the ordinary details of life and daily ritual as well as in internal experience”.[31] It is in this sense that one can state that the Prophet (S.A.W) is as much of a source and symbol of mystical Islam as of reformist Islam.
In the light of this, I present the translation of the Kitāb al-Arba‘īn fi ’t-Tasawwuf (The Forty Ḥadīth on Sufism) by the most prolific and profound of early Sufi writers, Shaykh Abū-‘Abd-al-Rahmān al-Sulamī (d.412/1021).
The crucial role of al-Sulamī in the history of
Sufism can be ascertained from the the following passage from Prof. Ernst’s
commendable Guide to Sufism :
“The creation of the term Sūfī
in its prescriptive sense was largely an acheivement of the Fourth Islamic
century (tenth century CE), though it drew on earlier precedents. If one
theorist were to be singled out as the main formulator of this concept,
Abū ‘Abd-al-Rahmān al-Sulamī (d.1021) would be a good
choice. Al-Sulamī, who lived in eastern
Imām al-Sulamī’s Kitāb
al-Arba‘īn reflects an early attempt to disprove the alleged disparity existing between the Way of
the Sufis and the Way of the Prophet and his successors (which form the basis
of orthodoxy). In this work, al-Sulamī attempts to substantiate the
Sūfī way of life from the Ḥadīth, the second most imprtant
souce of legislation in Islam.
It is an attempt that precedes that of major
participants in this initiative like Imāms al-Ghazālī
(d.505/1111) and al-Suhrawardī (d.632/1234) by more than a century. If the
latter can be considered as those who finally reconciled orthodoxy and
mysticism once and for all, al-Sulamī can be considered among those who
laid the foundations for this welcome endeavor in the history of Islamic
scholarship and the crystallization of Islamic thought.
Al-Sulamī’s work also reflects what
constituted Sufism in the early centuries of Islam as opposed to what it
constitutes today. It is hoped that contemporary studies on the history of
Sufism will be enriched by this work.
The original Kitāb
al-Arba‘īn fi ’t-Tasawwuf
was written during a period when the relationship between orthodoxy and
Sufism was yet to be fully stabilized. In our own times, the relationship
between the two has become unstable again, to quite a dangerous extent in fact.
Therefore, it is also hoped that the Kitāb al-Arba‘īn will
contribute towards stabilizing the relationship between Sufism and orthodoxy in
our present times as it did in it’s own time.[33]
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF
AL-SULAMĪ
About al-Sulamī:
Al-Imām al-Faqīh al-Muhaddith al-Mufassir al-Zāhid al-Sūfī[34] Abū ‘Abd-al-Rahmān ibn al-Ḥusayn ibn Muhammad ibn Mūsā ibn Khālid ibn Sālim ibn Rāwiyah al-Azdī al-Sulamī was born in Nishāpūr (a famous city in the Khurasān region of Iran) on the 16th of April in the year 936 A.D. (325 A.H.).[35]
He was a scion of a prominent scholarly family of Arab decent. His father was descended from Surāqah of the Azd Shanū‘ah tribe.[36] His mother was the daughter of ‘Amr bin Ismā’īl bin Nujayd al-Sulamī, from the tribe of Sulaym.
Both his father and grandfather were scholars of the Shāfi‘ī school of jurisprudence and practicing Sufis. Thus, al-Sulamī was surrounded from his childhood by a strong traditional Islamic Sufi atmosphere and was raised according to its norms. In accordance with the Islamic tradition, al-Sulamī’s education started with the memorization of the Holy Qur’ān. This was followed by a thorough study of Arabic grammar, a fundamental tool in understanding the Qur’ān and Sunnah. Al-Sulamī mastered this from the famous grammarians and literary men of Nishāpūr.
Among his early teachers was his maternal grandfather, ‘Amr ibn Nujayd al-Sulamī, who had also taken the responsibility for raising the young Abū ‘Abd-al-Rahmān after his ascetic father had left the family and retired to Makkah. It was due to this deep relationship that existed between him and his grandfather that Abū ‘Abd al-Rahmān had adopted the surname of his maternal grandfather, ‘al-Sulamī’[37].
‘Amr ibn Nujayd al-Sulamī, considered one of the greatest theologians of his time, always kept his young grandson by his side during his lectures and discussions that he held with other learned men of the time. Al-Sulamī’s scholarly credentials were primarily developed in the esteemed company of his learned grandfather. He also benefited from his grandfather’s writings, and the vast library he had inherited from him.
After coming of age, al-Sulamī pursued further traditional Islamic studies in Tafsīr, Hadīth, Fiqh, Usūl, Kalām…etc, with other prominent scholars of his time such as Abū-Nu’aym al-Isbahāni (d.430/1038) and al-Dāraqutanī (d.385/995). Researcher Nūr-al-Dīn Sharībah counts twenty-eight prominent scholars and mystics as being among the teachers of al-Sulamī.[38]
Besides being a great
scholar, al-Sulamī was also a great traveler, the main goal of
his travels being the meeting of prominent scholars and saints, the gathering
of information from and about them and the visitation of holy sites. Thus, he
journeyed to all the leading centers of learning in Khurasān,
Turkistān, ‘
Al-Sulamī gathered
his intimate and intensive knowledge of the Sufi saints in these travels,
especially in the cities of
It must be noted here that al-Sulamī’s travels were not only for learning and teaching as such; they were in fact part of his practical training as a Sufi as well. Al-Qushayrī, in his classic manual on Sufism, al-Risālah, has a complete chapter named: “Their (i.e. the Sufis‘) conditions in travel”, in the beginning of which he writes:
“When a large number of people from this fraternity (i.e. the Sufis), chose to travel, I have especially devoted a chapter in this treatise, to travel”.[41]
Although an accomplished scholar in all branches of Islamic learning, it was as a Sufi that al-Sulamī gained his name and fame, and al-Sulamī himself had always identified with Sufism. He was first initiated into the Sufi way during his early childhood by his father, al-Ḥusayn ibn Muhammad ibn Mūsā, who was a prominent Sufi of the Malāmatī Tarīqah (also known as “the Way of Contempt”). He also benefited in this regards, from his grandfather as well, who was also a practicing Sufi.
In his travels, al-Sulamī had the opportunity to meet and benefit from a number of Sufis and mystics from nearly every Islamic land. This phenomenon had a tremendous impact on al-Sulamī’s understanding of Sufism, as it broadened his vision of it and made him aware of the different tendencies in Sufism. It is probably for this reason that al-Sulamī’s works on Sufism bear a balance between Eastern and Western, Arab and Persian, moderate and extreme, orthodox and less orthodox, ‘Sufisms’.
Nevertheless, al-Sulamī took formal initiation into the Sufi way from the famous mystic, Abu-’l-Qāsim Ibrahīm bin Mahmūd al-Nasrabādī (d.367/977) of Nishāpūr,[42] about whom al-Ḥujwayrī (d.464/1071) says: “He was the master of the later Shaykhs of Khurasān..…the most learned and devout man of his age”[43].
Al-Nasrabādī had taken initiation from Abū-Bakr al-Shiblī (d.334/845) who took it from Junayd al-Baghdādī (d.297/910), who took it from Sarī al-Saqatī (d.253/867), who took it from Ma‘rūf al-Karkhī (d.200/815), who took it from Dāwūd al-Ta’ī (d.165/782). Dāwūd was initiated into the Sufi way by Ḥabīb al-‘Ajamī (c. 2nd/8th century) who was initiated al-Ḥasan al-Basrī (d.110/728), who was initiated by ‘Alī bin Abī-Talib (d.40/661),[44] who had received spiritual instruction from the Prophet Muhammad (S.A.W.) himself.[45]
Thus, we see that al-Sulamī was initiated into a chain of illustrious Sufi masters, to whom most of the present day Sufi orders are connected. Among other things, this was also a chain of ‘orthodox’ Sufi masters, respected by most theologians and jurists as well. Perhaps, the orthodox nature of al-Sulamī’s Sufism also stems from his connection with this chain.
Another teacher of his in the mystical path and one who had a profound influence on him was the Persian Sufi Abū-Nasr al-Sarrāj (d378/988), the author of the oldest Arabic work extant on Sufism, Kitāb al-Luma‘ fi ’t-Tasawwuf.
Prominent Sufi contemporaries of al-Sulamī include Abū ‘Alī al-Daqqāq (d.405/1031), who was also a fellow disciple of al-Nasrabādī. Most prominent among his disciples in the Sufi Way were Abū al-Qāsim al-Qushayrī who narrated quite a lot from al-Sulamī in his works, and Abū-Sa‘īd bin Abu-’l-Khayr al-Mayhānī, who was originally a disciple of the great mystic Abū al-Fadl al-Sarakhsī but completed his spiritual sojourn at the hands of al-Sulamī [46]. Hujwayrī has called him: “The (spiritual) Sultān of his age and the ornament of the mystic path”.[47]
One of the few truly versatile scholars of his time, al-Sulamī spent his life teaching and writing on both legal and mystical dimensions of Islam. He passed away during the reign of the Abbasid Caliph Abu-’l-Abbās Ahmad bin Ishāq al-Qādir Bi’Llāh on the 3rd of November 1021 (412 A.H.) in his hometown, Nishāpūr, where his tomb remains a holy site of visitation and contemplation for Sufis.
Subsequent Sufis have held al-Sulamī in a very high rank. The great Andalusian mystic, Ibn ‘Arabī (d.638/1240) wrote in his Futūhāt that Shaykh Abū ‘Abd al-Rahmān al-Sulamī held the spiritual position that is between Prophethood and Sainthood and that he was informed of this by Abū ‘Abd-al-Rahmān himself in a spiritual vision he had of him.[48] Al-Qushayrī called him, “The unique one of his time.”[49]
Al-Sulamī’s Era:
The Era of al-Sulamī was one in which the crystallization of the various sciences originating from Islam under an orthodox paradigm had already started. The six canonical Ḥadīth collections had been compiled, plus the collections of Mālik, Ibn-Ḥanbal, Abū Nu’aym, al-Dāraqutnī, al-Ḥākim and other traditionists.
The theological schools of al-Ash‘arī (d.324/935) and
al-Māturīdī (d.333/944) had been formulated and the four
juridical schools of thought had also been well established. All of these were
in the process of becoming part of a wider Sunni orthodoxy, sanctioned, in
certain cases, by the state as well. Muslim ‘Heterodoxy’ was also well
established to a certain extent with the Shī‘ī, Khārijī,
and Mu‘tazilī sects considered to be at its forefront.
Sufism had also ‘come of age’, but its positioning between orthodoxy and heterodoxy was still to be determined in a definite way. The personal piety and austere lifestyles of the early masters had earned it some respect and reverence among the masses and most scholars. Immediately after the era of al-Junayd (d.297/910), who was considered by some as the “last true representative of Sufism”,[50] Sufi masters started articulating their doctrines and experiences in a comprehensive manner. Sufism was thus moving from its practical phase to its philosophical phase.
Although ascetic Sufi praxis was retained, special emphasis was being given to the formulation of Sufi doctrine, with its own exclusive terminology. This new tendency of forming a distinct Sufi ‘school of thought’ or ‘the science of Sufism’ (‘ilm al-Tasawwuf) started alarming certain orthodox quarters, lest another distinct heterodox sect should arise. The gulf between the ‘Knowledge of the mouths’ and the ‘Knowledge of the hearts’[51], as per Sufi terminology, was becoming wider, with the Sufis claiming the latter and criticizing the jurists and theologians for possessing only the former.
However, it was the saga of al-Ḥallāj that raised the tensions between the Sufis and the Jurists to its height.
Abu-’l-Mughīth al-Ḥusayn bin Mansūr al-Ḥallāj was born in Tus in 244/857. In the beginning, he became a disciple of Sahl al-Tustarī (d.283/896) author of the first Sufi commentary on the Qur’ān. Then he left him for ‘Amr bin ‘Uthmān al-Makkī (d.291/904), whom he left as well. He then attempted to enter the discipleship of al-Junayd who flatly refused him saying: “I do not except madmen”.[52] Al-Hujwayrī describes him as an, “enamored and intoxicated rotary of Sufism …(who) had a strong ecstasy and a lofty spirit”[53].
Unlike other Sufi masters,
al-Ḥallāj became notorious for making controversial public
statements about his spiritual experiences of the Divine Presence in everything
in existence, thus enraging both orthodox theologians and Sufis. The former
condemned him for ‘uttering blasphemy’, while the latter reproached for
‘revealing divine secrets.’ Al-Ḥallāj’s heretical utterances finally
led him to be publicly executed in
Mainstream Sufi Shaykhs were at a variance regarding him. His own
Shaykh, ‘Amr al-Makkī and a few others rejected him; but all later Sufis,
among them al-Sulamī’s mentor, al-Nasrabādī, have
considered him a great saint[55] but one ‘too
overpowered’ by divine love as such that he could restrain himself from
publicly revealing higher spiritual truths. As Ernst states:
“To blurt out something revealing one’s intimate experience with God was rash, to say the least; it could also create among foolish people the mistaken impression that everyone is actually God and that law and morality are no longer binding. From this point of view, Sufis like al-Ghazālī could say that Ḥallāj’s statement ‘I am the Truth’ (ana ’l-Ḥaqq) was authentic but that its public expression required his execution for having revealed the secret to the unworthy. Another criticism of ecstatic sayings was that they reveal immaturity and lack of control. The highest goal from the perspective is to experience union with God without losing control of one’s words and actions. Ḥallāj’s outburst was in this case the result of his limited capacity; he was a shallow vessel who quickly over flowed.”[56]
Prof. Ernst’s statement is supported by
al-Hujwayrī’s observation about the immediate post-Ḥallāj
period. He says: “I have seen at
The circumstances created by the saga of
al-Ḥallāj necessitated that Sufis make their beliefs, and thus their
position regarding Sunni orthodoxy clear before it was too late. The execution
of al-Hallaj had, “epitomized the violent confrontation between the
Al-Sulamī and his contemporary orthodox
Sufi Shaykhs were the first to realize this. His own mentor, al-Sarrāj
(d.377/997) was probably the first one to take a step in this direction with
his treatise on Sufi ethos and praxis called Kitāb al-Luma‘
fit-Tasawwuf (The book of lights, on Sufism).[59]
He was followed by the famous Sufi jurist of
Although, earlier Sufis such as al-Ḥārith al-Muhasibī (d.243/857) and Sahl al-Tustarī (d.280/895) had also written on the Sufi path; these new works were distinguished with a conscious neutralization of what appeared to be the points of conflict between law and mysticism. This was basically accomplished in two ways; firstly the justification of the origins, doctrines and practices of the Sufis by quoting Qur’ānic and Prophetic evidences, as well as the practice of the earlier generations of Islam. Secondly, by negating unorthodox beliefs and practices that were supposed to be wrongly associated with Sufism.
It was al-Sulamī however who was
destined to be the main pioneer and player in these early attempts to reconcile
the letter and spirit of Islam. Being a jurist of the Shāfi‘ī school
and a Sufi proper, al-Sulamī was well acquainted with the parameters of
both
Al-Sulamī wrote extensively on every aspect of Sufism, substantiating his explanations with Qur’ānic verses and traditions from the blessed Prophet and his companions. Al-Sulamī was not only a pioneer in the synthesizing of orthodoxy and mysticism, but “also of the divergent disciplines within Sufism”.[61] Al-Sulamī’s legacy influenced generations of Sufis after him.
His work was carried on by his students, most prominent amongst them, al-Qushayrī, who authored the celebrated Risālah fi ’t-Tasawwuf.[62] ‘Alī al-Hujwayrī (d.464/10710), a student of al-Qushayrī, authored the classic Persian manual on Sufism, Kashf ul-Mahjūb.[63] Both authors relied a lot on al-Sulamī’s works and their works became standard Sufi textbooks for posterity. Later Sufi authors like al-Ghazālī[64] (d.505/1111) and al-Suhrawardi[65] (d.632/1234) used these early texts as vital sources and references for their own writings.
One can safely claim that the complete acceptance of Sufism as part and
parcel of orthodox Islam was due to the hard work of the likes of
al-Sulamī and those who carried on with his legacy. Sixteen years before
the birth of al-Sulamī, the heresy trial and execution of
al-Ḥallāj had raised great suspicions about the orthodox nature of
Sufism, with many openly rejecting it. Exactly sixteen years after the death of
al-Sulamī, the great orthodox theologian and heresiologist
‘Abd-al-Qāhir al-Baghdādī (d.429/1037) passed away.
In the first chapter of his major work on heresiology, called al-Farq
bayn al-Firaq (The distinction between the Sects), al-Baghdādī
divided the Ahl al-Sunnah wa ’l-Jamā‘ah (i.e. the Sunni Muslim
Orthodoxy) into eight factions, which together, would compromise mainstream
orthodox Sunni Islam. The sixth of these factions were:
“The ascetic Sufis, who have seen things for what they are and therefore abstained. Who have known through experience and therefore have taken heed truly.”[66]
The mission of al-Sulamī had been successful. For much of Islamic history after that, Sufism has been considered a disciplinary science of its own in the framework of traditional Sunni Islam. That Sufism as a whole is an inseparable part of mainstream orthodox Islam was not questioned by any traditional Islamic scholar.
The condemnation of Sufism as an ‘unorthodox heretical movement’ is a fairly recent phenomenon, which only gained prominence among Puritanist and modernist Islamic circles in the twentieth century. Perhaps, the bitterest pre-20th Century critics of Sufism were the eighth century (A.H.) Ḥanbalī scholar of Syria, Ibn-Taymiyyah (d.728/1328) and the twelfth century (A.H.) religious leader of Najd (central Arabia), Ibn ‘Abd- al-Wahhāb (1201/1787).
Both, however, did not claim to denounce the science of Sufism as a whole but only the unorthodox elements in it (although their classifications of what is not orthodox were considered extreme by most mainstream Ulamā’).[67]
The Works of al-Sulamī:
Al-Sulamī was one of the most prolific and copious writers of the fourth century (A.H.). He is credited to have authored more than a thousand works. Three hundred of these were based on Ḥadīth, a fact that demonstrates his high standing in and regard for this important branch of Islamic learning. However, it was because of his works on Sufism, which were counted to be seven hundred, that he gained his prominence in the history of Islamic scholarship.
As we mentioned earlier on, Sufis had already started writing about their path from the late second century (A.H.) onwards. Al-Sulamī in particular had the example of his own mentor, Abū Nasr al-Sarrāj, who wrote the first classical manual on Sufism, Kitāb al-Luma‘. Al-Sulamī’s objectives in his writings on Sufism can be summed up in three points:
1-To substantially demonstrate the orthodoxy of Sufi belief and praxis from the primary sources of Islam. As we mentioned earlier on, the age in which al-Sulamī lived was one in which the need to synthesize between law and mysticism had become incumbent.
Al-Sulamī, being a learned jurist/traditionist and an accomplished Sufi at the same time, was naturally equipped for this job, and as we have mentioned earlier on, he accomplished it quite successfully.
2- To unify the various divergent disciplines within Sufism. By al-Sulamī’s time, a large number of doctrines, terms, practices and disciplines had developed within Sufism and were specifically peculiar to it. Sufism had become associated with a large, albeit disparate, number of connotations. The historical period in which al-Sulamī lived was also one in which the crystallization process of the various Islamic sciences and the divergent disciplines within them had already started.
Sufis, especially intellectual ones such as al-Sulamī, were also influenced by this process. The establishment of Sufism as an orthodox branch of Islamic sciences and disciplines also necessitated the definition of what is included (or not) in the parameters of orthodox Sufism. Al-Sulamī’s travels had made him well acquainted with most beliefs and practices associated with Sufism in his age. Thus, there is hardly a subject related to pre-fourth century (A.H.) Sufism on which al-Sulamī did not write and preserve for posterity.
3-To preserve the heritage and legacy the early generations of Sufis. This point must be understood in the content of the culmination of early Sufism. Sufism was supposed to have reached its peak with the martyrdom of Mansūr al-Ḥallāj and started declining after him. As we had mentioned, it was even claimed that al-Junayd, who died in 297/909 was the last true representative of Sufism.[68] After him, every subsequent generation of Sufis was considered to be lower than its predecessors in spiritual status and disposition.
Al-Shiblī, the successor of al-Junayd was asked why Sufis were so called. He replied: “They must still have some ego, otherwise they would not be connected with this term”.[69] Al-Qusharyrī, a student of al-Sulamī, complained that Sufism and religion in general were coming to and end. ‘Alī al-Hujwayrī lamented that: “[I]n our time, this science has been in reality obliterated, especially in this region; people are all occupied with pleasure, and have turned away from satisfying (God). The scholars of the age and pretenders of the day have formed an impression of it that is contrary to its principles.”[70] It was thus declared that: “Today, Sufism is a name without reality, but formerly it was a reality without a name.”[71]
It was as if the codification and crystallyzation of Sufism was
contradicting its transcendental nature. The science that was supposed to take
one beyond conventional forms was itself becoming a form. In this context, it
became necessary for the ‘true inheritors’ of the Sufi way to preserve the
traditions of their pious predecessors.
Again, al-Sulamī was well prepared for this job as he had been in the company of a large number of Sufi masters from most Muslim lands. Therefore, he was well acquainted with the past and present Sufi personalities of most lands. In this regards, al-Hujwayrī has justly called al-Sulamī, “The traditionist (naqqāl) of Sufism and transmitter of the sayings of the Sufi Shaykhs”.[72] In our modern terms, we could call al-Sulamī, ‘The historian of earlier Sufism.’
Some of the most famous works of
al-Sulamī and which reflect the above mentioned objectives are:
1-Tabaqāt al-Sūfiyyah (The successive generation of the Sufis): This is probably the most popular and well known of al-Sulamī’s works and the earliest major history of the Sufis. The book is basically a history of a hundred and five early Sufi masters. Ernst states: “Sulamī organized the work into five generations extending over two centuries each containing twenty lives of leading Sufis. As far as possible, he represented each Sufi by roughly twenty sayings, and in the majority of cases each Sufi also transmits an Ḥadīth of the Prophet. These symmetrically cast biographies present the saints as models of piety to be imitated by the reader.”[73]
For example, the famous Iraqi Sufi Sarī al-Saqatī
(d.258/867) is introduced as follows: “One of them was Sarī ibn
al-Mughallas al-Saqatī, whose first name was Abu’l-Ḥasan. It
is said that he was the uncle of al-Junayd, and his teacher. He associated with
Ma‘rūf al-Karkhī, and he was the first in
Khwājah ‘Abd-Allāh
al-Ansarī (d.481/1088), an Ḥanbalī jurist and eminent
Sufi saint of
Both al-Sulamī’s original and al-Ansārī’s translation acted as major reference for later Sufi writers and historians. A lot of what is in early Sufi hagiographical texts such as al-Qushayrī’s Risālah, al-Hujwayrī’s Kashf al-Mahjūb and the Tadhkirat al-Awliyā‘of Farīd-al-Dīn ‘Attār (circa.627/1229) is actually borrowed admittedly or not from al-Sulamī’s Tabaqāt.
Al-Sulamī’s extensive knowledge of
the lives of Sufi saints was largely due to his travels. Shaykh Tosun states:
“During his travels, Sulamī collected the wisdom of many saints, and later
quoted them in his works, specifically in the Tabaqāt
al-Sūfiyyah (classes of Sufis) where he mentions one hundred
and five Sufis and their teachings. In
The Egyptian scholar Nūr-al-Dīn
Sharībah published his critical and invaluable edition of the Tabaqāt
al-Sūfiyyah in 1953 (
2-Zikr al-Niswah al-Muta‘abbidāt
al-Sūfiyyāt (Mentioning the devout Sufi women): This
unique work was actually written as a supplementary to the Tabaqāt
as female Sufi saints had not been mentioned in it. In this work,
al-Sulamī narrates the lives of eighty-two female Sufi saints, mostly from
central
Al-Sulamī’s work testifies to the
importance attached to female spirituality in the early centuries of Islam,
especially amongst the Sufis. A detailed study of this work will most likely
change conservative and feminist perceptions regarding the public role of women
in the early centuries of Islam, especially in the spiritual domain. Rkia
Elaroui Cornell of
3- Ḥaqā’iq al-Tafsīr (The Realities of Qur’ānic exegesis): This is the second earliest Sufi commentary of the Holy Qur’ān, preceded only by a work of Sahl al-Tustarī (d.283/896). Besides original insight, al-Sulamī relied a lot in this work on narrations from earlier Sufis, so much so that that it has been said that without his commentary “almost the entirety of the Koran (sic) commentary of the first generations of Sufis would have been lost”[77].
The contents are more or less related, their focal point being the search for the hidden esoteric meanings of the Holy Book.[78] Al- Sulamī also authored a minor commentary called Ziyādāt Ḥaqa’iq al-Tafsīr, which was actually a supplementary to the major commentary. The German scholar Bowering published his edition of the Ḥaqā’iq and is currently editing the Ziyādāt.
Bowering asserts that, “Sulamī’s Ḥaqā’iq is to Sufis what Tabarī’s Tafsīr is to the Sunni community as a whole”, and that, “Sulamī’s commentaries are as important to pre-6th/12th century Sufism as Ibn ‘Arabī’s major works are later Sufism”.[79]
In fact, most pre-Ibn Arabī’ Sufi commentaries on the Holy Qur’ān were, as Godlas puts it, “deeply indebted to Sulamī.”[80] The most prominent works were that of the North African Sufi Abū-Ishāq al-Tha’ālabī (d.427/1034) and of the Persian Sufi Rūzbehān Baqlī (d.606/1208). The influence of al-Sulamī on both can be borne from the fact that the former had read the whole of the Ḥaqā’iq to al-Sulamī himself and the latter’s work became the “primary vehicle for the transmission of much of Sulamī’s Ziādāt (sic) for nine hundred years”.[81]
Indeed, besides being considered the father of Sufi hagiography, al-Sulamī has also been considered amongst the founders of Sufi Qur’ānic exegesis.
4-Kitāb al-Futuwwah (The book of Sufi chivalry): Futuwwah (lit. “Manliness”/ “Noble-heartedness”), according to the Sufis, “is a code of honorable conduct that follows the example of the prophets, saints, sages and the intimate friends and lovers of Allāh”.[82] Furthermore, “The all encompassing symbol of the way of Futuwwah is the divinely guided life and character of the final Prophet Muhammad Mustafā, may Allāh’s peace and blessings be upon Him, whose perfection is the goal of Sufism. The Sufi aims to abandon all improper behavior and to acquire and exercise, always and under all circumstances, the best behavior proper to human beings”.[83] The concept has also been considered as the forerunner of the European concept of Knighthood.
In this work, al-Sulamī
explains the Futuwwah way of life based on the conduct and sayings of
Sufi masters before him, as well as some quotations from the Holy Qur’ān
and Prophetic tradition. This noteworthy work has been translated into English
by the European Sufi, Shaykh Tosun Bayrak al-Jerrahi under the name, The
Book of Sufi Chivalry.
5- Kitāb al-Samā‘[84](The Book on Spiritual Audition): This book is an explanation and substantiation of the popular Sufi practice of the audition of spiritual music. It must be noted here that jurists have generally considered all types of music as reprehensible while Sufis have only considered music that incites towards worldly desires as being reprehensible. Music that incites away from the world and towards Divine love has been considered commendable.
Supporting the Sufi audition of spiritual music by citing relating incidents from the companions of the Prophet (S.A.W.), al-Hujwayrī writes: “Many of the Companions have related similar traditions, which Abū ‘Abd-al-Rahmān al-Sulamī has collected in his Kitāb al-Samā‘; and he has pronounced such audition to be permissible. In practicing audition however, the Sufi Shaykhs desire, not permissibility as the vulgar do, but spiritual advantages”.[85]
6- Tārīkh Ahl al-Suffah (History of the people of the bench): The “People of the bench” (Ar. Ashāb al-Suffah/Ahl al-Suffah) were a group of poor but devout companions of the Prophet (S.A.W.) who used to sit on a bench in front of his house. They had abandoned all worldly aspirations and dedicated themselves to the company and the service of the Prophet (S.A.W.). Many scholars considered them to be “first Sufis.” The term ‘Sūfī’ itself has also been considered to be derived from the Ashāb al-Suffah. [86]
Al-Hujwayrī states: “Shaykh Abū ‘Abd al-Rahmān Muhammad bin al-Ḥusayn al-Sulamī, the traditionist of Sufism and transmitter of the saying of the Sufi Shaykhs has recorded their virtues and merits and names”.[87] The works still awaits publication.
Concerning the Present Work:
The present work is a translation al-Sulamī’s collection of forty Ḥadīth (narrations from the blessed Prophet and his companions) regarding Sufism, named Kitāb al-Arba’īn fi ’t-Tasawwuf. The Hyderabad edition of the Kitāb al-Arba’īn that I have used for this translation is based on an original Arabic text that was transcribed in the year 867/1463 by a student of the great Ḥadīth master Shaykh-al-Islām al-Ḥāfiz Ibn-Ḥajar al-Asqalānī (d.852/1449) of Cairo. The student had heard the whole text from Shaykh Ibn-Ḥajar himself, who in turn, through a chain of six narrators, narrates it from al-Sulamī himself.
A copy of the original manuscript was
acquired from the
The Kitāb al-Arba’īn fi ’t-Tasawwuf fulfills the first two objectives of al-Sulamī’s writings i.e. the substantiation of Sufi ethos and praxis from the second primary source of legislation in Islam, the Ḥadīth, and the identification/codification of what constitutes Sufism.
Al-Sulamī does this by setting forty headings, each relating to one or more theoretical or practical aspects/expressions of Sufism, then narrating a Ḥadīth which supports it. The first Ḥadīth however, is narrated as a tribute from the Prophet (S.A.W.) to all Sufis.
The choice of forty Ḥadīth is most probably due the famous saying of the Prophet (S.A.W.) that he will be the intercessor of the one who memorizes forty of his sayings.[88] Many traditional Islamic scholars compiled collections of forty Ḥadīth to gain the blessed Prophet’s intercession. The contents of these Ḥadīth would normally be related to a theme specially selected by the compiler. Thus, the benefit of compiling forty Ḥadīth would be twofold, to gain salvation in the Hereafter, and to substantiate one’s doctrine, emphasize a certain belief or practice, or to pass on Prophetic wisdom on a any selected subject.
Among the most famous collections of forty Ḥadīth have been al-Ghazālī’s (d.505/1111) collection on the tenets of faith, al-Arba’īn fī Usūl al-Dīn, and al-Nawawī’s (d.676/1274) collection on the essentials of leading on Islamic life, al-Arba‘īn al-Nawawiyyah. Al-Sulamī’s collection however is one of the oldest extant collections. Whether there are earlier collections (extant or not) is still to be determined
The Ḥadīth mentioned in this work are all narrated by al-Sulamī himself, through a chain of narrators (Isnād) going back to the Prophet himself. I will discuss this important issue in more detail in a separate section.
My work with this text has been the following:
1-I have done a complete translation of the all that is in the original Arabic text, except for the few editorial footnotes inserted by the Da’irah editors, as I found them to be of no relevance to the present work. I have tried to keep the English translation as true as possible to the meaning of the original Arabic text. However, certain minor changes in vocabulary and grammatical structure were required to make the work more comprehensible to an English speaking reader. These were done in the boundaries of standard Arabic-English translation practice.
2-The Arabic text does not contain any original work of al-Sulamī besides mentioning the chain of narrators and setting of titles relating to various concepts, practices and issues associated with early Sufism. Much of these needed elaboration upon to make the non-specialist reader gain an understanding of the issue at hand and grasp its significance and relevance from the Sufi as well as historical point of view.
To fulfill this need, I have added a large number of explanatory footnotes based on important early sources of Sufi doctrine and practices. The footnotes, in fact, constitute the larger part of this work and could even be considered as an entire commentary on al- Sulamī’s work. It is hoped that the information presented in the footnotes will serve as a valuable aid in apprehending as well as appreciating this translation.
3- Regarding the rest of my editorial work, check the ‘Important Note’ at the outset.
It is hoped that this work will contribute towards bettering our understanding of the relationship between Sufism and the Sources of Islamic Law, especially from Imām al-Sulamī’s point of view.
To quote Shaykh Tosun, also a Sulamī translator: “Isnād is extremely important in all Islamic religious texts, for a statement has no value unless it is backed up by a witness who heard it, and is guaranteed by a series of authorities who transmitted the words verbatim to each other at times and places that can be historically verified.”[89]
The mention of the complete chain is extremely important as the authority, character, retentive ability and moral integrity of every single narrator plays a role in the verification of the authenticity of a narration. Verification of authenticity was especially important in the first few centuries of Islam, as the Ḥadīth were still being collected and compiled, and various ‘pseudo’ transmitters of Ḥadīth, mainly from sects and groupings opposed to mainstream Orthodoxy were engaged in a well-planned ‘Ḥadīth fabrication’ project. Mentioning the Isnād was the only way one could verify whether any ‘foreign’ hands had interfered in the narration, not to exclude the possibility of mistakes, omissions and errors of retention on behalf of orthodox narrators as well.
In keeping with the tradition of his time, al-Sulamī provides us with full Isnāds, usually consisting of six to seven narrators, for all the Ḥadīth he narrates. For some narrations, he even provides two Isnāds, either to demonstrate the strength of the narration or because of the difference of wording in the other narration. The expressions used for narration are the standard traditional akhbaranā-haddathanā-‘an.
I have not conducted a critical analysis (or takhrīj) of al-Sulamī’s Isnāds as to verify their reliability, as this has not been the intent of the present work and would have greatly enlarged this paper. However, I discovered through a non-exhaustive search that most of the Ḥadīth narrated by al-Sulamī are mentioned in the well-known Ḥadīth collections. I have mentioned these references wherever they apply as per my findings. The purpose of this translation is to display how early Sufis perceived their path to be based on the Ḥadīth, regardless of the question if these Ḥadīth are historically authentic or not.
Due to the above mentioned reason and for the sake of brevity, I have decided not to mention al-Sulamī’s Isnāds in this translation, with the exception of the Isnād for the first Ḥadīth mentioned, which I preseve as a sample of al-Sulamī’s original arrangement. The complete Isnād for each Ḥadīth can be checked in the original Arabic text, which is available in the market as well as on the internet.
Al-Sulamī’s lesser-known contemporary Ḥadīth scholar and countryman Muh.ammad ibn Yūsuf al-Qattān is reported to have accused al-Sulamī of being untrustworthy in Ḥadīth narration and of forging Ḥadīth for the Sufis. However, al-Qattān’s accusation has been itself been accused of being motivated by envy. Prominent Ḥadīth masters such as Sibt Ibn-al-Jawzī,[90] Imām al-Subkī [91] and al-Khatīb al-Baghdādī [92] rejected al-Qattān’s claims and affirmed al-Sulamī’s trustworthiness.
CONTENTS OF THE TRANSLATION
Section 1: The Proof that
the Sufis are the Companions of the Messenger of Allāh
(s.a.w)……………………………………………………………………..
Section 2: In the
Description of the Fuqarā’…….….……..………..…………..……
Section 3:
To observe Manners, even with the Disbeleivers…………………..……..
Section 4: About thew One who Relinquished of
all his Wealth Trusting in Allāh
(s.w.t.)………………………………………….…………………….....…..
Section 5: About the
Possibility of (the occurrence of) Karāmāt for the Awliyā’…
Section 6: About Displaying
Good manners, Exhorting to spend (in
charity),
Detestibility of Hoarding (wealth) and to be Cautious of the Shubuhāt…
Section 7:
About the Description of the Believers and the Description of the
Learned
Ones………………………………………………………………..………
Section 8:
About Sufficing in the World with the Least and Disliking Mixing with
the
Wealthy…………………………………………………………………….
Section 9:
About Contentment …………….…………………………………………
Section 10:
About enquiring Claimants concerning the Validity of their Claim………
Section 11:
About struggling to equate
(one’s) External (state) with the
Internal….
Section 12:
About Persisting in Dhikr,
Shukr and Sabr………………………………….
Section 13:
About the Way of those Occupied with Allāh………………………….…
Section 14: About their (i.e
the Sufis) Renunciation of the World and shunning of it…
Section 15:
About the Love for the Fuqarā’, Faqr and the Messenger
of Allāh’s
(s.a.w) asking for
it……………………………………………….………
Section 16:
About their Avoiding of Matters that do not Concern them………….…..
Section 17:
About their Concealment of Tribulations………………………………….
Section 18:
About the States of Uprightousness………………………………….…..
Section 19:
About Wearing Humble Clothing..………….…………………………..….
Section 20:
The Proof that Allāh has Awliyā’ and Budalā’ on the Earth…………….
Section 21:
About Generosity with Food and always Spreading the Table (for
all)…
Section 22:
The Proof that
the Hand that Abstains from Asking is the
one (in the Eyes of Allāh)……………………………………………….
Section 23:
About the One who Worshipped Allāh Secretly so He rewarded him for
that……………………….………………………………………..…….…
Section 24:
About Contentment with (what one possesses), Intense Abstinence,
Compassion for other Muslims, Goodness to Neighbours and Minimizing
of Laughter…………………………………………………………………
Section 25: About Choosing
Poverty over Wealth………………………..….…...…..
Section 26: About Attending to
the Fuqarā’ before Family and
Children…………….
Section 27: About the
Permissibility of Speaking in the Language of Tafrīd…………
Section 28: About the (Sufi)
Shaykhs’ Personally Serving their Guests and Strangers….
Section 29: About the Adopting
and of Wearing Patched Clothes……………………
Section 30: About Carrying a
Pitcher during Travels……………….…………………..
Section 31: The Sunnah of Eating Together and the Dislikedness
of Eating Alone…..
Section 32: About the
Permissibility of Talking about the Inner Knowledge and its
Reality……………………………………………………………………..
Section 33:
To Refrain from Overbearence (in hosting) for a guest but to Offer him
Whatever is
Present…………………………………………………….
Section 34: About Avoiding
Luxury….……………………………………………..
Section 35: What has been
Narrated Concerning the Confirmation of Firāsah……..
Section 36: To Draw the Love
of Allāh (s.w.t.) through Serving Him (i.e. with
Worship)………………………………………………………………….
Section 37: The
Dislikedness of Amassing Wealth lest it may Push the Servant (of
Allāh) Towards the
(material) World…………………………………….
Section 38:
About the Description of Intelligent People….………………………….
Section 39:
About the Permissibility of Samā‘………....…….……….…………….
Section 40:
About the Permissibility of Raqs…………………………………………
Bibliography……………………………………………………………...……….……….
In the name of Allāh the most Beneficient the most Merciful
The blessings and greetings of Allāh on our Master Muhammad
[THE SCRIBE SAYS] Shaykh al-Islām, the Ḥāfiz of the age, Abū-’l-Fadl ibn Ḥajar may Allāh have mercy on him, narrated to me from Abū-’l-Ḥasan ‘Alī bin Muhammad bin Muhammad Abī-’l-Majd, through reading to him; who narrates from Abū al-Fath Muhammad bin ‘Abd al-Rahīm ibn al-Nashwī, through (being granted the) permission to narrate; who narrates from Abū Muhammad ‘Abd al-Wahhāb bin Zāfir bin Rawwāj, who narrates from al-Ḥāfiz Abū-Tāhir Ahmad bin Muhammad bin Ahmad al-Silafī, who narrates from Abū-’t-Tayyib Tāhir bin al-Musaddad al-Jinzī, who narrates from Abū-’l-Ḥasan ‘Alī ibn ‘Abd-al-Rahmān al-Naysābūrī, who narrates from [the compiler] Abū-‘Abd al-Rahmān Muhammad ibn al-Ḥusayn al-Sulamī may Allāh have mercy on him, who narrated ………[connect]
Section 1: The Proof that
the Sūfīs are the Companions Of The Messenger of Allāh
(s.a.w)
(Al-Sulamī narrates)[93] from Muhammad bin Muhammad bin Sa‘īd al-Anmātī, who narrates from al-Ḥasan bin ‘Alī bin Yahyā ibn Salām, who narrates from Muhammad bin ‘Alī al-Tirmidhī, who narrates from bin Ḥātim al-Balkhī, who narrates from Sahl ibn Aslam, who narrates from Khallād bin, who narrates from Abī-Ḥamzah al-Sukrī, who narrates from Yazīd al-Nahawī, who narrates from Ibn Abbās (r.a.) that he said: “The Messenger of Allāh (s.a.w) stood one day by the Ashāb as-Suffah and upon seeing their poverty, struggle and [yet] contentment of heart, said:
‘Glad tidings to You, O Ashāb as-Suffah![94] for whoever of my nation perseveres in the state you are in and is satisfied therein, he will be from my companions on the Day of Resurrection”.
Section 2: In the
Description of the Fuqarā’ [95]
It is narrated by Thawbān (r.a.) that the Messenger of Allāh (s.a.w) said :
“My Pool (at the entrance of Paradise) is (the size of the
space) between
We said: “And who are they O Messenger of Allāh?”. He replied: “(Those) with dirty clothes, unkempt hair, for whom the doors of high ranking (people) are not opened nor can they marry well-to-do women; (those) who give what is due upon them but are not given what is due to them. Verily, many people will come (there) and say ‘I am so and so, the son of so and so’ and verily I will reply ‘You have changed after me’ ”.
It is narrated by Abū-Hurayrah (r.a.) that the
Messenger of Allāh (s.a.w) said:
“Allāh (s.a.w.) revealed to Ibrāhīm (a.s.) that ‘You are my Khalīl (friend), beautify your manners, even with the disbelievers. You will (thus) enter (paradise through) the entrances of the pious ones, for my word (of grace) has been decreed for the one who beautifies his manners that I will give him shade under My Throne, make him live in the courtyard of My Sacredness and draw him near to My Company’”.
Section 4: About the One who
Relinquished of all his
Wealth Trusting in Allāh
It is narrated by ‘Umar (r.a) that :
“ The Messenger of Allāh (s.a.w) commanded us to donate (towards a certain cause) and it (the order) coincided with (the availibility of) money by me. So I said (to myself): ‘Today, I will precede Abū-Bakr (in giving donations) if I can’. Therefore, I took half of my wealth (to the Prophet). The Messenger of Allāh (s.a.w) asked me: ‘What have you left for your family?’ I replied: ‘The same (amount i.e. half)’.
Then Abū Bakr came with all he had and was asked (by the Prophet): ‘What have you left for your family? He said: ‘Allāh and his Messenger’. I (‘Umar) said (i.e. to myself): ‘I will never try to compete with you (Abū Bakr) in anything ever’ ” [98].
It is narrated by Ibn-‘Umar that ‘Umar (r.a.) sent an army under the command of a man called Sāriyah. Thereafter, once while ‘Umar was delivering a sermon, he started to shout: “O Sāriyah! The mountain, O Sāriyah! The mountain”.
Consequently, a messenger came from the army and said (to ‘Umar) “O Commander of the Faithful, we faced the enemy and they defeated us; then suddenly a crier was shouting: ‘O Sāriyah the mountain’, so we reclined against the mountain, and Allāh defeated them. We (those present with the narrator) said to ‘Umar: “You were shouting that”.
It is also narrated by Ibn-‘Umar that: “One day while ‘Umar
(r.a.) was delivering a sermon in Madinah, he said: O Sāriyah! The
mountain; for he who attracts the wolf is unjust’. So, it was said that he
mentions Sāriyah and Sāriyah is in
Section 6: About Displaying Good Manners, Exhorting to Spend (in Charity), the Detestibility of Hoarding (Wealth) and to be Cautious of the Shubuhāt [100]
It is narrated by ‘Imrān bin Ḥusayn that:
“The Messenger of Allāh (s.a.w) held the side of my turban from behind me and said: ‘O ‘Imrān, surely Allāh loves spending (in charity) and despises misery; so eat and feed and do not tighten it (i.e. your pocket) so much that (the needy one’s) appeal (for charity) becomes difficult (matter) for you. And know that Allāh loves the acute eye when dealing with questionable matters and a wholesome mind when dealing with desires; and He loves generosity, even if it is (displayed) with a few dates and loves courage even if it is (displayed) in killing a snake”.
Section 7: About the Description of the Believers and the
Description of the Learned Ones
It is narrated by Anas (r.a.) that the Messenger of Allāh (s.a.w):
“Faith is not through (mere) wishing nor through sweetness (in talk) but what has been established in the heart and practice has confirmed it; and knowledge is of two types, knowledge of the tongue and knowledge of the heart; thus the knowledge of the heart is the (truly) beneficial one and the knowledge of the tongue is Allāh’s proof on the progeny of Adam”[101].
Section 8: About Sufficing in the World with the Least and
Disliking Mixing with the Wealthy[102]
It is narrated by ‘Āishah (r.a.) that the Messenger of Allāh (s.a.w) said:
“If you wish to
join me (in
Section 9: About Contentment
It is narrated by Ibn-‘Umar (r.a.) that the Messenger of Allāh (s.a.w) said:
“O progeny of Adam, you have what suffices you and you desire that which will make you rebellious (against each other and God). O progeny of Adam, you are not content with little nor satisfied with a lot; (verily) if you wake up well and healthy, safe in your abode, possessing the sustenance of the day, then may the dust be on the world (i.e. you do not really have to be concerned about it)”.
Section 10: About Enquiring from Claimants Concerning the
Validity of their Claims[103]
It is narrated by al-Ḥārith bin Mālik (r.a.) that he passed the Messenger of Allāh (s.a.w) so he asked him: “How (i.e. in what state) did you wake up O Hārith?”. He replied: “I woke up as a believer truly”. So he said: “Consider what you are saying, for every truth has a reality (Ḥaqīqah) so what is the reality (Ḥaqīqah) of your Faith?
He replied: “I have
turned myself away from the world and it is as if I am looking at the
inhabitants of
So he said: “O Ḥārithath, you have known (‘Arafta) so stay steadfast (on what you have realized)”- and he repeated it three times.[104]
Section 11: About Struggling to Equate (one’s) External
(State) with the Internal
Ibn-‘Umar (r.a.) stated that the Messenger of Allāh (s.a.w) said:
“The severest of people in punishment on the Day of Resurrection is that person in whom the people see goodness and there is no goodness in him”.[105]
It is narrated from Ibn-‘Abbās (r.a.) that the Messenger of Allāh (s.a.w) said:
“Four (things), whoever is bestowed with them, has been bestowed with the best of this world and the hereafter; a grateful heart, a remembering tongue, a self which perseveres during tribulations, and a trust in what Allāh has taken responsibility for (i.e. providence)”.
It is narrated by ‘Imrān bin Husayn (r.a.) that the Messenger of Allāh (s.a.w) said:
“Whoever will occupy himself with Allāh then Allāh will suffice him from every provision and provide him from (sources) he could never imagine; and whoever will occupy himself with the world then Allāh (s.w.t.) will entrust him to it”.[107]
Section 14: About their (i.e. the Sufis’) Renunciation of the World and Shunning of it [108]
It is narrated by Ibn-‘Abbās (r.a.) that:
‘Umar bin al-Khattāb (r.a.) visited the Messenger of Allāh (s.a.w) and he was (sitting/laying) on a straw mat and it had made marks on his side, so he (‘Umar) said: “O Messenger of Allāh, if you could have a softer mat’.
He replied: “What is with me and this world”
or he said “What is with this world and me; indeed the example of me and the
world is the like (the example of) a rider who was riding in a summer day till
he approached a tree, so he rested under its shade for a while then rode away”.
Section 15: About Love for the Fuqarā’ and Faqr, and the Messenger of Allāh’s (s.a.w.) Request for it [109]
It is narrated that Abī-Sa‘īd al-Khudrī
(r.a.) said: Love the poor, for I have heard the Messenger of Allāh
(s.a.w) say:
“O Allāh, let me live a poor man and let me die a poor man and resurrect me in the company of the poor”.
Section 16: About their
Avoiding of those Matters that do not Concern them[110]
It is narrated by ‘Alī bin
Abī-Tālib (r.a.) that the Messenger of Allāh (s.a.w)
said:
“(It is ) From the perfection of one’s Islam to avoid
that which does not concern him”.
Section 17: About their Concealment of Tribulations [111]
It is narrated by Ibn-‘Umar (r.a.) that the Messenger of Allāh (s.a.w) said:
“Verily, from the treasures of righteousness, is the concealment of tribulations”.
It is narrated (r.a.) that Sufyān bin ‘Abd-Allāh al-Thaqafī said to the Prophet (s.a.w): “Tell me (something) about Islam that I will not ask anyone after you”.
He
said: “Say: ‘I have believed in Allāh’, then stay steadfast (on that)”.
It is narrated by ‘Umar (r.a.) that the Prophet
(s.a.w) saw Mus‘ab bin ‘Umayr coming and he was wearing a girdle of
sheepskin, so he (the Prophet) said:
“Look at this
(person) whose heart Allāh has enlightened. I had seen him between parents
who provided him with the best of food and drink. Indeed, I had seen him
wearing a garment bought by him or bought (for him) for two hundred Dirhams;
and then, the love of Allāh and his Messenger brought him to (the state)
you see now”.[112]
Section 20: The Proof that
Allāh has Awliyā’ and Budalā’ on the Earth[113]
It is narrated by Anas (r.a.) that the Prophet (s.a.w) said :
“The Budalā’ of my nation are forty men, twenty two in the Shām (greater Syria) and eighteen in ‘Irāq; when one of them dies, Allāh will replace him with another; (and) they will (all) pass away (finally) when the decree (of the day Judgement) comes ”.
Section 21: About Generosity
with Food and always Spreading the Table (for all) [114]
It is narrated by ‘Āishah, the Mother of the Believers (r.a.) that the Messenger of Allāh (s.a.w) said:
“The Angels continue to pray (for blessings)
on you as long as your table is spread”.
Section 22: The Proof that
the Hand that Abstains from Asking is the Superior One (in the Eyes of
Allāh) [115]
It is narrated by Ibn-‘Umar (r.a.) that the Messenger of Allāh (s.a.w) said:
“The superior hand is the one which abstains (from asking) and the inferior hand is the one which asks (i.e. begs)”.
Section 23: About the One who Worshipped Allāh Secretly so He Rewarded him for that (secretly) [116]
It is narrated by Anas (r.a.) that the Messenger of
Allāh (s.a.w) said:
“When
the Day of Resurrection takes place, Allāh will raise (certain) people
with green clothes and green wings and they will land on the walls of
They will reply: ‘No, we are people who
worshipped Allāh secretly, so he wished to admit us in
Section 24: About
Contentment (with what one possesses), Intense Abstinence, Compassion for other
Muslims, Goodness to Neighbours and Minimizing of Laughter[117]
It is narrated from Abū-Hurayrah (r.a.) that he
said, “The Messenger of Allāh (s.a.w) said me:
“O
Abū-Hurayrah, be intense in abstinence, (thereby) you will be the most
devoted of people (in the worship of Allāh); and be satisfied (with what
you have), you will be the most grateful of people (to Allāh); and love
for people what you love for yourself, you will be a (true) believer; and be a
good neighbour to whoever neighbours you, you will be a (true) Muslim; and
laugh little, for too much laughing kills the heart”.
It is narrated by
Umāmah (r.a.) that the Messenger of Allāh (s.a.w) said:
“My Lord proposed to make the land of Makkah (into) gold for me, so I said (to him): ‘No O Lord, but I (rather) eat for a day and be hungry for a day, so (that) when I will be hungry I will pray to you earnestly, and when I have eaten, I will be grateful to you and remember you”.
Section 26: About Attending
to the Fuqarā’ before Family and Children [118]
It is narrated by ‘Alī (r.a.) that the Prophet (s.a.w) said to (his daughter) Fātimah:
“I cannot provide you and leave the Ahl as-Suffah tuck their
stomachs from hunger”.
Section 27: About the
Permissibility of Speaking in the Language of Tafrīd [119]
It is narrated by Ibn-‘Umar (r.a.) that when the
Messenger of Allāh (s.a.w) passed away, Abū-Bakr came and ascended
the pulpit and after praising Allāh and glorifying him, said:
“If
Muhammad (s.a.w) was your Lord who you worshipped, then (know
that) your Lord has passed away, and if your Lord is the One in the Heavens,
then (know that) your Lord is alive and will never die”.
Then he recited (the Qur’ānic verse,
3:144): “And Muhammad is (not) but a Messenger, and indeed (many)
Messengers have passed away before him.”
Section 28: About the (Sufi)
Shaykhs‘ personally serving their Guests And Strangers [120]
It is narrated by Abī-Qitādah that when the delegation from the Negus (the King of Abyssinia) came to the Prophet (s.a.w), he served them personally. So his companions told him: “We will suffice you for that (i.e. service of the guests)”.
He said: “Verily, they (the Abyssynians) were
generous to my companions (who had migrated to
Section 29: About the
Adopting and Wearing of Patched Clothes [121]
It is narrated by Umm-al-Husayn that:
“I was in the house of ‘Āishah (r.a.) and she was patching one of her shirts with patches of various colours, some white, some black and some of other colours; then the Prophet (s.a.w) entered and said: “What is this O ‘Āishah ?”. She said: “I am patching one of my shirts”. He said then: “Well done! Do not put away any garment until you have patched it for there is no new (garment) for the one who does not have a tattered one”.
It is narrated by Ja‘far (al-Sādiq) bin Muhammad from his father (Muhammad al-Bāqir ) from his (i.e. Ja‘far’s) grandfather (‘Alī Zayn-al-‘Ābidīn) from his father (Imām al-Ḥusayn) from his (i.e Zayn-al-‘Ābidīn’s) grandfather ‘Alī (r.a.) that:
“The Prophet (s.a.w) went out for relieving himself, so I took a water pitcher and followed him…”. Then he (‘Alī) completed the entire Hadīth.
Section 31: The Sunnah
of Eating Together and the
Dislikeness of Eating Alone [123]
It is narrated by Wahshī (r.a.) that a man said (to the Prophet): “O Messenger of Allāh , we eat but we are not gratified”. He said:
“Maybe you are eating separately; eat together and mention Allāh Most High’s Name (over it) and He will bless it for you”.
Chapter 32: About the Permissibility of talking about
the Inner Knowledge and it’s Reality[124]
It is narrated by Abī-Hurayrah (r.a.) that the Messenger of Allāh said:
“Verily, there is a knowledge which is of a hidden nature, it in not known (to anyone) save the Knowers of Allāh (s.w.t.); thus when they speak it, it will not be denied (by anyone) except those negligent of Allāh (s.w.t.)”.
Section 33: To Refrain from Overbearance (in hosting)
for a guest but to Offer him Whatever is Present[125]
It is narrated by Abī-’l-Bakhtarī that:
“We were the guests of Salmān
al-Fārisī in Madā’in (an ancient city in
Section 34: About Avoiding Luxury
It is narrated by Mu‘ādh
bin Jabal (r.a.) that when the Prophet (s.a.w) sent him to
“Beware you, of luxury, for verily, the (true)
servants of Allāh are not luxurious people”.[126]
Section 35: What has been Narrated Concerning the
Confirmation of Firāsah[127]
It is narrated by Abī-Sa‘īd that the Messenger of Allāh (s.a.w) said:
“Beware of the Firāsah of the Believer, for he sees with the light of Allāh (s.w.t)”.
Section 36: To Draw the Love of Allāh (s.w.t)
through Serving Him (i.e. with Worship)
It is narrated by Abī-Umāmah (r.a.) that the Messenger of Allāh (s.a.w) said that, “Allāh (s.w.t.) says:
“My servant continues to gain nearness to me until I love him, and (then when I love him) I become his hearing by which he hears, his sight by which he sees, his tongue by which he speaks and his heart by which he reasons, thus if he will pray to me, I will answer him and if he will ask me, I will give him”.[128]
Section 37: The Dislikedness of Amassing Wealth lest it may Push the Servant (of Allāh) Towards the (material) World [129]
It is narrated by ‘Abd-Allāh (r.a.) that the Messenger of Allāh (s.a.w) said:
“Do not acquire land estate (i.e. more than what you necessarily need), lest you may (then) aspire for the (material) world”.
Section 38: About the Description of Intelligent People
It is narrated by Abd-Allah Ibn-‘Umar (r.a.) that the Messenger of Allāh (s.a.w) said:
“The intelligent person is the one who understood from Allāh, His Decree”.[130]
Section 39: About the Permissibility of Listening (to Song)[131]
It is narrated by ‘Āishah (r.a.) that, “The Messenger of Allāh (s.a.w) entered (my part of the house) during the days of Tashrīq[132] and two maid servants of ‘Abd-Allāh bin Salām were beating the Daf (i.e. tambourine) and singing by me. When the Messenger of Allāh (s.a.w) had entered, I said (to them): ‘Stop’.
Then the Messenger of Allāh (s.a.w) went aside to a bed in the house, lied on it and covered himself with his robe. So I said, ‘Verily, he will either permit song today or forbid it’, so I pointed to them (the maid servants) to start (singing) and they did.
Then, by Allāh, I had not started that yet that Abū Bakr (her father) came in and he was a stern man, and he said: ‘The Mazāmīr[133] of Satan in the house of the Messenger of Allāh (s.a.w)?!’. So the Messenger of Allāh (s.a.w) exposed his head and said:
‘O Abū Bakr, every nation has an ‘Īd (day of celebration and joy) and these
are the days of our ‘Īd.’
Section 40: About the Permissiblity of Raqs [134]
It is narrated by Ibrāhīm bin Muhammad al-Shāfi‘ī that Sa‘īd bin al-Musayyib[135] passed through some alleys in Makkah once and heard al-Akhdar al-Jaddī (a famous singer) singing in the house al-‘Ās bin Wā’il:
The
Zaynab (a name signifying the beloved) with well-perfumed ladies
But when she (i.e. Zaynab) saw the convoy of Numayrī (a name signifying someone she was wary of), she turned away…
And they (i.e. the ladies) are very cautious of encountering him
So he pounded the ground with his leg for a while and said: “This is what one takes pleasure in listening to”; and they used to narrate that the couplet was by Sa‘īd (himself).[136]
[The scribe says]
The book is concluded and praise be for Allāh as He deserves to be praised, and (may) His immense blessing and salutations be on His chosen one from His Creation, and his Family and Companions; and Allāh is sufficient for us and He is the best Protector.
The transcription of this blessed manuscript was completed on the 17th of Jamādī al-Thāniyah in the year 867[137],
O Allāh grant it a good end and improve the state of Muslims.
Āmīn
Āmīn Āmīn
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South African Muslim Thought:
External Influences and Internal Dynamics
Muhammed Haron
Introduction
The twin processes of modernity and secularism have made an indelible impact upon religious communities throughout the 20th century. These communities have been further challenged with the onset of globalization – a period during which socio-religious networking have become more intense - towards the end of the century. In the case of the Muslim communities residing in both the heartlands and on the periphery, these phenomena have not only affected their practices but also their beliefs. And as a consequence, contemporary South African Muslims like their co-religionists in most parts of the Muslim heartlands have been grappling with the social change and transformation.
Being an integral part of the religious communities who live and reside along the periphery as minorities, the South African Muslim theologians as well as the secular educated Muslim professionals/activists have generally been dependent on the opinions and views that have been expressed and articulated by theologians and reformers from the Muslim heartlands. There have, however, been exceptional individuals such as Dr. Abdullah Abdurahman (d. 1940) who stood out and displayed unique talents. Returning to the question of the dependency, it has been noted that South African Muslim theologians have occasionally been incapable of finding answers and solutions to the local or national problems and thus corresponded with or brought theologians from abroad to address them on the sensitive socio-religious issues that needed to be addressed. As a matter of relevance, these theologians were sometimes bailed out by secular trained Muslim individuals, who also demonstrated an interest in Muslim affairs and who drew upon their experience as secular trained experts to resolve the needling problems.
This paper shows to what extent South African Muslims have either networked with prominent individuals and significant organizations abroad or have been influenced by them. It specifically sets out to demonstrate to what degree these external ideas inspired and fired up debates that led to internal dynamics not necessarily experienced in other Muslim minority communities bearing in mind that for over three centuries they developed into a fairly dynamic community despite the internal conflicts and turmoil that they have had to tackle. The paper intends to only zoom in on specific representatives who have drawn their inspiration from abroad and brought about changes in the thinking and practices of their co-religionists. Before looking at these representative individuals and groups, the paper summarizes the socio-theological developments in order to contextualize the Muslim networks that have been forged. It, however, prefaces the general contents by giving special attention to ‘Muslim networks; as a crucial conceptual tool in order to understand the intellectual and theological dynamics that have been and are prevalent within the South African Muslim community.
Constructing
Networks:
In framing the contents of this paper we are indebted to Cook & Lawrence’s (2005: 2) introductory essay that defines ‘Muslim Networks.’ The ‘Muslim Networks,’ which consist of – in this case – personal/social nodal points, is viewed as a medium of transferring knowledge and influencing change and as a method of tackling challenging issues. These two scholars argued that since the Muslim society across the globe is not a homogenous religious society that one method of gaining an insight into and an overall appreciation of them is through the construction of Muslim networks.
Since the phrase is composed of two interconnected words, these scholars first defined the concept ‘networks’ and then dealt with the adjective/noun ‘Muslim.’ The first concept, according to them, defined as “phenomena that are similar to institutionalized social relations… but distinct from them, because to be networked entails making a choice to be connected across recognized boundaries” (ibid 1). In explaining the word ‘muslim’ they stated that it not only referred to ‘a faith orientation’ but also to “a social world in which Muslims are not always dominant.” The latter idea appropriately applies to the South African Muslims’ socio-political context as a minority community. As far as Cook and Lawrence were concerned, both terms are pivotal in comprehending contemporary social relations but lamented the fact that ‘Muslim networks’ have thus far been give scant attention. Taking into account these two scholars’ definitions and explanations, we wish relate them to the links that have been created between Muslim protagonists in South Africa and those residing in the Muslim heartlands. In the Muslim heartlands, as shown throughout Cook and Lawrence’s edited text, there have been and are a variety of networks that have existed over time and continue to exist between various sections of the Muslim communities; these networks have played a critical role in sharing resources and shaping socio-intellectual and religious developments outside the Muslim heartlands, particularly among the Muslim minority communities.
In
the case of
South
African Muslims’ Socio-Theological Context: A Synopsis
The
South African Muslims were generally quite active and responsive to the social
conditions in South Africa as well as socio-political outcomes in the Muslim
heartlands; this has been clearly illustrated by Eric Germaine (September 2006)
in his very recent contribution on South African Muslims’ responses to issues
regarding the rule during and after the Ottoman Empire. In different parts of
the country the Muslims were either involved in the socio-religious affairs or
were reacting to socio-political matters that took place in the Muslim
heartlands. One particular example that may be mentioned was the contributions
of Dr. Abdullah Abdurahman (d. 1940), who had been instrumental in the
formation of the Cape Town – based African People’s Organization (est. 1902) in
order to serve the interest of the disenfranchised communities of which the Muslims
formed an integral part (Davids 1989: 181-182). Another example is when the
(Indian) Muslims in
Before
going any further we need to make a few pertinent remarks regarding the notion
of Muslim theologians’ position within Muslim societies in general and within
the South African community in particular. The affairs of the South African
Muslims have been under the control and management of the theologians and as a
consequence remained indebted to them for (appropriate) answers; these
traditionally trained theologians have generally regarded their position –
rightly or wrongly - as the rightful interpreters or gatekeepers of the
primary Islamic sources. Unfortunately, in many instances these theologians
were incapable of providing suitable responses to the contemporary issues. For
example, when they were expected to offer suitable solutions to socio-economic
matters such as the distribution of zakat (the purifying tax) or the
transplantation of body organs they invariably consulted their counterparts in
the Muslim heartlands and reacted by either devising ways of adapting old ones
to suite the new settings and modern conditions or issuing
archaic/inappropriate fatwas. With the passage of time a number of
theologians realized the need to work with and consult secular trained Muslim
individuals; individuals who have been specialized in, amongst others, legal
studies, economic sciences, health sectors and engineering. They gave these
legal views without taking into account the snowballing effect their fatwas
would have on the social and economics sectors of their communities. These
theologians, who were generally at times incapable of creatively exercising
their minds, were largely dependent upon the opinions their shaykhs and muftis,
who lived abroad and who resided under totally different conditions and
circumstances. With these thoughts in mind let us re-connect with the
socio-theological developments in
The
nature of the challenges forced the South African Muslims to work towards the
formation of organizations and bodies that would undertake specific tasks to
address problems in the community. The first theological body that was
established in 1923 was done so by the
Muslims in the Transvaal (now
In Port Elizabeth where the MJC had an active branch, the very conservative Indian theologically trained Maulana Sadeq Desai opted to form his own theological body (circa 1973-1974?) because he did not trust the theological opinions of the Middle Eastern trained theologians nor did he fully concur with the views of his fellow theologians, who were trained in some of the prominent South Asian theological institutions. These theological bodies were further challenged by the formation of the Islamic Council of South Africa, which was formed in 1975. Although some of theological bodies were initially affiliates of this organization, it failed to maintain them as members due to the socio-religious disagreements among the founding and affiliated members. In the end the ICSA leadership chose to create its own theological committee without the input of the main theological bodies. Over the past 30 years ICSA’s tightly controlled theological committee, which has not been as influential intellectually and theologically as it desired, is composed of a handful of individuals who form part of the leadership without any thorough theological training. Despite the small number of theologians who serve on ICSA’s theological committee, the organization secured itself a foothold in the economic market by remaining an important player in the issuing of Halal certificates to fast food outlets such as MacDonalds and Kentucky; an issue that has come under scrutiny of late for a number of reasons that cannot be discussed in this paper.
The
hegemony of the Muslim theological bodies as well as ICSA were tested on both
the theological and political fronts with the ushering in of the Islamic Unity
Convention (est. 1994); a body that was created as an umbrella body to oppose
the wide-spread non-transparent projects and programs pursued by the mentioned
theological bodies in the mid 1990s. The IUC saw itself as proactive and
progressive and as an alternative to all the other socio-religious
organizations that became stagnant and irrelevant. Mention should be made of
the fact that Qibla (est. 1980), which was a vehement anti-apartheid throughout
the 1980s and one that was influenced by the Islamic revolution in
The
emergence and formation of these theological and religious bodies as well as
many other socio-cultural and religious organizations demonstrated that the
South African Muslim community has been and remains a fairly vibrant and active
community in dealing with issues on all fronts. Individuals and organizations
from within the community have come to the fore and have made significant
contributions and have left behind rich legacies. It is well nigh impossible to
make reference to each and every individual who made important inputs to the
socio-religious affairs of the Muslim community; however, it will not be out of
place in mentioning a few of them in passing. At the
And it should be remembered that the individuals who provided the necessary leadership to the South African Muslims did so under very difficult discriminatory circumstances in which they as part of the larger black society were disenfranchised, placed in their distinct racial categories, forced to live in separate areas and had apply through the white authorities to set up shop in other racially demarcated areas. In any case, since it will be difficult and indeed impossible to assess the intellectual input of all of these personalities and to record in detail the social conditions under which they operated, it will be appropriate at this stage to make reference to only representative groups and individuals whose socio-religious and intellectual contributions have been observed throughout the 20th century.
Muslim
Theological & Scholarly Networks and
Muslim
theologians and scholars from the Muslim heartlands have had a long and
continuous relationship with their fellow believers among the diaspora. In
fact, the status of the diasporic Muslim communities (from South Asia or North
Africa) as expatriates, asylum seekers, refugees and economic migrants coerced
them to remain in touch with the religious leadership from their land of birth
in order to seek socio-theological guidance. On many occasions these emerging
minority Muslim communities did not have theologically qualified individuals
among them and they thus communicated with the theologians from their villages
and in whom they had firm trust on religio-social and other matters for clear
directives. The - strong or weak (depending upon the nature of the affiliation)
- relationship, which had been forged since these Muslims’ migration as slaves,
laborers or free passengers to countries such as South Africa during the latter
part of the 1800s and the early part of the 1900s, made a significant impact
upon the shaping and formation of the minority Muslim communities.
At
this juncture we wish to make a few general remarks regarding the Muslim
networks that had been forged and that are still maintained between South
African theological bodies and organizations and their counterparts in the
Muslim heartlands. We start by making reference to the role of the North
African Muslim theologians, scholars and activists in including South African
Muslims into their spheres of influence. There is little doubt that these
scholarly and theological networks have gone a long way in affecting and
effecting changes in the periphery. North Africa has indeed been an important
player in socio-political developments throughout the 20th century;
many of its scholars and theologians have written works and given lectures that
have traveled to other parts of the world and these outputs have solicited
responses because their works have been discussed and debated by those in the
periphery; in South Africa this has been the case. During the modern period the
writings of prominent intellectuals and scholars such as Malik Ben Nabi, Ismail
Raji al-Faruqi, Aisha Lemu, Khurshid Ahmad, Khuram Murad, Rashid Ghannousi,
Muhammad Arkoun, Amina Wadud and Hasan Hanafi have been circulated and
discussed; in fact, at least five in the randomly selected list have been to
South Africa on lecture tours and have forged scholarly ties with local
scholars and organizations. Many of these scholars’ ideas have reached
A
fact that should not be overlooked is that even earlier Muslim theologians and
scholars have left rich legacies that have crisscrossed time and space. Many of
their works are still being read and digested by contemporary Muslims in order
to not only fathom their views and opinions but to also see how applicable
their ideas were and are to social concerns of the Muslim community. Let us
take two quick examples from South Asia; one of the first names that
immediately come to mind is that of Shah Walliullah of
Since it is beyond the scope of this paper to elaborate on all forms of connections that emerged and existed between South African Muslim theologians and their counterparts in the Muslim heartlands, the focus of the following paragraphs will, therefore, elaborate briefly on, at least, a few representatives whose works and ideas have been read and discussed in certain circles and educational institutions.
Prior
to highlighting these scholarly and theological networks, we wish to take a
slight detour in order to comment, albeit briefly, on the issue of ethnicity
that is crucial to understanding the connections between certain segments of
the Muslim heartlands with particular sectors of South Africa’s Muslims. The
latter has been conveniently divided, according to the ethnic groups, into
As a
consequence of the contributions of a variety of theological institutions from
the Muslim heartlands to the theological make-up of the South African community,
the Muslims inevitably reflected a heterogeneous identity in the theological
arena, ethnic sphere and linguistic plane. There are those that struck
scholarly cords with scholars in
Shaykh
Muhammad Abdu
Shaykh
Muhammad Abdu (1849-1905), the Azharite graduate and mufti, was one of the most
influential Muslim theologians by the turn of the 20th century; he
was intellectually powerful because of his liberal and modernist approach to
comprehending and interpreting the primary sources of Islam. Abdu has been
among the coterie of Muslim theologians who rejected the idea of blind
imitation (taqlid) and endorsed the support for ijtihad
(independent interpretation). Hourani (1983: 130-160) provides an insightful
and a detailed analysis of Abdu’s contributions. In this chapter Hourani also
demonstrated to what extent Abdu came under the spell of Jamal ad-Din
Al-Afghani (1839-1897) with whom he had penned Al-‘Urwa al-Wuthqa (The
Firmest Bond) between 1884 and 1885 during their period of exile in
Since constant contact existed between South African Muslims and Al-Azhar, some of the Muslims were to some degree aware of the developments in the Muslim heartlands and were also familiar with the role players such as Shaykh Muhammad ‘Abdu as had been reflected in the research projects of Germaine (2006) and others. And in the absence of a theological body in South Africa it was only natural that leading members of the Muslim community – whether they were theologians themselves or professionally trained individuals - would correspond with the shaykh at Al-Azhar – in this case ‘Abdu – or with the theologians in Mecca and Deoband, depending on the school of thought they belong to, for theological answers regarding significant issues. At the turn of the century there was one important fatwa (legal opinion) popularly known as the Transvaal fatwa that was requested from Shaykh Muhammad Abdu; a Johannesburg-based Hajji Mustapha, who might have been of Arab origin and who – it is assumed - debated with his fellow Muslims from South Asia on the matter, wrote a letter to the shaykh in the late 1890s and asked for a legal (Islamic) response to three pertinent questions (cf. Adam 1933: 13-29; Voll 1996: 27-39; Tayob 1999: 69).
Although
the three questions, at first glance, seemed to have been fairly straight
forward and basic in their construction, they were indeed open to question
depending upon the answers that were given. The first was whether a Shafi’ite
could read behind a Hanafite trained Imam, the second whether Muslims could
consume the meat of the Christians and Jews of the time and the third was
whether one could don the clothing of the ‘westerner’ (cf. Hourani 1983:
152-153); and as expected from a critical, modern thinker and leader, he
responded positively to each of the questions. These responses and many others
formed part of the modern system of Islamic law that he had spearheaded (ibid).
The shaykh’s legal opinion was not left unchallenged; he was severely
reprimanded and responded to for issuing such a modernist interpretation in a
lengthy 96 pages text penned by one of his contemporaries, namely Shaykh Yusuf
Bukhumi, who formed part of the conservative clique. As far as could be
ascertained although the fatwa provided important guidelines to a
growing heterogeneous Muslim minority, there were those in the
It may be assumed that for some South African Muslims such as the ‘Cape Malays’ and other Muslim immigrants from East Africa and the Middle East, the fatwa reaffirmed the prevailing opinion that was held by some of the Muslim theologians who were inclined to this liberal interpretation and who have adapted to the modern setting of the growing South African cities. The fatwa was viewed as problematic for those Muslims that landed on South African soil fresh from their South Asian villages where elements of modernity was not experienced.
Abdu’s
fatwa in particular and his position as the Shaykh of Al-Azhar in general with
viewed with respect and commendation by the Muslims at the
In
addition to those three questions at the turn of the century, other queries
were raised throughout the 20th century and these were tackled
locally and nationally by the Muslim theological bodies that gradually came
into existence. Some of these bodies had to, for example, deal with the
question of performing thur salah after Jumu’ah that remained on
the theological agenda from the mid 19th century into the late 20th
century (cf. Ebrahim 2004: 109-111);
theological views to resolve this problem were solicited from shaykhs in
the Muslim heartlands as well as from East Africa. And from the mid 20th
century onwards, as some Muslims became economically mobile, the community was
increasingly embroiled in the debate regarding the permissibility or
non-permissibility of taking riba (interest) from the banks and others
were engaged in the discussion whether transplantation of human organs are
permissible. On some of these issues that local Azharite shaykhs reflected
their liberal understandings; however, they were, of course, confronted and
contested by the legal opinions that came from the Deoband theological
institutions in
During
the time when the South African Muslim religious leadership was enmeshed in
these sensitive theological matters, there were others who gave attention to
burning socio-political issues. But despite the efforts to bring these matters
to these matters to the fore, some of the shaykhs including Shaykh Shakier
urged their religious flock to steer clear of getting involved in protest
politics against the apartheid system and cooperate in some ways with the state
structures. This stand of theirs vis-à-vis the apartheid state appears to
oppose the insights of ‘Abdu who was very involved in the political affairs of
the day. ‘Abdu, according to Hourani (1983: 159), shared the view with
al-Afghani that the despotic ruler should be deposed by the society if he was
unjust. However, it is assumed that their viewpoints were based upon
conservative theologians who argued that it is better to live and reside under
a despot than to live in a chaotic, disintegrating society where the rule of
law is totally absent. In the case of
The
South African socio-political structures were such that Africans, Indians and Coloreds
were discriminated against by the apartheid regime not only because of their
ethnic identities but also because of their religious affiliations. The
Muslims, who found themselves in this invidious position, had to thus deal with
this challenge. On the one hand, a few individuals from among the South African
Muslim religious leadership sought ways of opting out of the apartheid
circumstances; one such person was Maulana Cachalia (d. 2002) who threw his
weight behind the African National Congress and served it as a loyal member
until his demise. On the other, there were a handful of individuals who
remained in
Imam Haron was among those religious leaders who were influenced, to some extent, by the writings of two ideologues from the Muslim heartlands, namely Maulana Abul Ala Maududi (d. 1979) and Sayyid Qutb (1906-1966); although the ideas of these two key figures were articulated within different socio-political and religious contexts, some South African Muslims like Imam Haron deemed the works of these ideologues relevant within the South African circumstances. Prior discussing their inputs in the socio-political sphere, there is a need to turn to other Muslim scholars and theologians whose opinions also affected and inspired members of the South African Muslim community in different ways.
Sir
Muhammad Iqbal
The
South Asian philosopher, Muhammad Iqbal (1873/77-1938), has had a remarkable
influence on his co-religionists on the South Asian continent. ‘The revival of
Islam’ was one of Muhammad Iqbal’s main concerns as a philosopher, poet and
lawyer (Esposito 1983: 186). Iqbal’s influence, however, was also felt beyond
the South Asian borders especially among the diaspora Indian Muslim communities
such as those who settled and resided in
Iqbal’s
poetry as well as his ideas that were contained in The Reconstruction of
Religious Thought in Islam (
One
of the individuals who were captivated by Iqbal was Farooqi Methar, who was an
inspired writer and poet in the Kwa Zulu Natal province (cf. Jeppie 2007). He
promoted Iqbal’s ideas and used them to prop up and buttress his own thoughts.
It appears that Iqbal as an important figure from
Sayyid
Abul al-Ala Maududi and Sayyid Qutb
Many
contemporary studies such as those prepared by Esposito have affirmed that both
Maududi and Qutb have remained extremely influential thinkers among the Muslims
within and beyond the Muslim heartlands. Both Maududi and Qutb’s writings have
without doubt made important inroads into the various social sectors of the
South African Muslim community from the mid 1950s into the 21st
century. In
Maulana
Abul Ala al-Maududi (d. 1979) started out from a young age as a journalist to
address a variety of socio-political and religious matters that affected all sectors
of the South Asian communities particularly the Muslims. Though he wrote his
works in Urdu, many of these have been translated by his enthusiastic,
professionally-trained followers such as Khurshid Ahmad and Khuram Murad. Many
of his writings such as Tarjuman al-Quran that appeared were eventually
translated into English and the English speaking Muslim youth such as those in
In
any event, returning to Maududi it was noted that when partition became a
reality South Asia by 1947 and even though he was initially against Pakistani
nationalism, he and some of his supporters decided to leave for
Sayyid
Qutb, like many other Muslim activists, was convinced and persuaded by
Maududi’s ideas (Haddad 1983: 70). Despite the obtrusive Maududian influence on
Qutb’s life, the latter, who began his career as a creative writer and teacher,
managed to articulate his thoughts on a variety of aspects quite differently
and indeed convincingly. He thus came into conflict with the Egyptian state
under Nasr and was incarcerated on a few occasions and by August 1966 was
hanged by the regime for his anti-government rhetoric contained in his works
completed prior to his death (ibid 78). As his popularity increased within the
Muslim Brotherhood ranks as an articulate writer and ideologue, Qutb’s writings
were translated and widely disseminated and discussed. Mention was made that in
the 1950s portions of Qutb’s text were cyclostyled and distributed in
In Milestones
Qutb dealt with the concepts of jahiliyyah (ignorance), al-úbudiyyah
(worship) and al-Hukumiyyah (sovereignty); the latter two, as a
matter of information, were extracted from Maududi’s text. Nevertheless, the
first-mentioned concept is the one that we concerned with since it was unpacked
in some detail by Qutb; the concept, in essence, meant to refer to the
pre-Islamic period historically (Boullata 1990: 57-62). For Qutb, however, the
concept contained different facets of meaning and it had wider connotations.
The concept, according to Qutb’s assessment and explanation, should thus be
seen within a broader, global context rather than a historical one. Qutb was
bent on the idea that Islam, which
is a comprehensive way of life, should be restored in the Muslim heartlands and
elsewhere and that great efforts should be made by Muslims to be rescued from
the "jahili society, jahili concepts, jahili traditions and jahili
leadership." This understanding reverberated among the youth in
majority and minority Muslim communities.
As a
result of Qutb’s interpretation and understanding, Muslim youth latched onto
the concept and applied it to their specific socio-political contexts as had
happened in the case of
Let
us provide a more concrete example to demonstrate this: The Muslim Youth
Movement of South Africa (est. 1970 i.e. the primary local node) was
established to address the needs of the emerging Muslim youth who have entered
tertiary institutions and whose identities have been directly challenged by
non-Muslim forces such as communism, racial discrimination, liberation theology
and Black theology. The MYMSA not only networked nationally but also
internationally; on this front it linked up with the World Assembly of Muslim
Youth (i.e. the primary central node) that had its headquarters in
Closing
Remarks
In
this paper an ambitious attempt was made to demonstrate how external influences
particularly from the Muslim heartlands (centre: primary central node) have
brought about an internal dynamics within
South African Muslims, who reside along the periphery, have been among those communities that have forged the networks and have benefited from the reading material and ideas that filtered through these networks. They have not only taken these important initiatives but effected change via the exchange of ideas, sharing of resources and bringing about the necessary socio-religious changes. However, they have also borrowed ideas that were catchy and relevant to the socio-political challenges that they faced throughout the apartheid period. On the whole the paper has concretely proven that the links that South African Muslim individuals built with their counterparts in the Muslim heartlands inevitably led to changes at different levels within this religious community. The networked connections demonstrated that the ideas that flowed from the centre to the periphery have brought about tangible transformations that were not quite visible to the religious leaders (theologians, scholars and activists) when they started out making the contacts.
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Trusts and Waqf:
Negotiating the concept of religious endowments in
By: Ighsaan Taliep,
Dawood Terblanche and Auwais Rafudeen
Introduction
Our study proceeds by firstly providing an overall
comparison between the concepts of trust and waqf, pointing to their similarities and differences. We then
sketch aspects of particularly 19th century mosque history in
Trusts and waqf: a
comparison
Trevor Norman notes that there are some academics who
suggest that the notion of trust in common law actually derives from the
Islamic concept of waqf. This would
explain the overlap between the two concepts. Three such similarities, as
mentioned by
It is thus easy to see why a trust is seen as such a
convenient equivalent to waqf, when
it is not possible to explicitly apply the latter. Notwithstanding this,
There are
also similarities and differences between the types of waqf and trusts.
Thus waqf can, as is well known, be private or public. Similarly, trusts
can be family or charitable. Fixed interest trusts are bound by the conditions
set up by the original owner and waqf too has to respect the wishes and
conditions of the wāqif. However, discretionary trusts provide a
good deal of leverage to trustees in how they administer the trust whereas mutawallīyūn
of a waqf, particularly of a public one, are more clearly bound by
the rules and objectives of the Sharī’ah in administering their
duties. Both a trustee and a mutawallī are bound by a code of
ethics including honesty, transparency, impartiality and diligence in
fulfilling the trust they have been given. However, it is clear that trustees, because they have ownership of
the trust as distinct from mere administrative control as in the case of the
mutawallī, are technically freer to
handle the assets of a trust as they see fit. As we will see, this leaves open
the possibility of abuse, but in a well-administered trust this does not have
to be the case.
Mosque
founding and administration in
In his
landmark work, the Mosques of Bo-Kaap, Achmat Davids provides a
fascinating picture of the often problematic founding and administration of
On 26 September 1794 Coridon from
The will of 1841 appears to indicate that implicitly the property was to be regarded as waqf although legally ownership devolved upon the family. Waqf was de facto not de jure. Up until today, according to a past assistant Imam of the mosque, the committee members of the mosque and the community implicitly see the mosque property as waqf although ownership belongs to Saartje van der Kaap’s family, an ownership that is recognized by South African law.
Thus from the very inception of institutional Islam in South Africa there arises this negotiation between waqf as in classical Islam and the realities and limitations of the South African context. Such negotiation often led to conflict and tension: there is currently still a dispute on the precise status of ownership between Saartjie van de Kaap’s family and the mosque committee.
Similarly,
This appears to be an endowment made in terms of waqf
laws. However, when disputes of succession cropped up as the mosque, as it
regularly did in the 19th century, the disputants often took the
issue to courts and they were raised in the Supreme Court a number of times.
Through these disputes and legal machinations, Sameda’s will remained
remarkably resilient and the Court held firmly by its original contents. Here
we have an instance of consecration via a will, with the intention of waqf,
being upheld by a court. Furthermore, the Court also called upon the
assessments of esteemed Islamic scholars in the
The problems of property implicitly being regarded as waqf but technically deemed to be a trust is aptly
demonstrated in the history of the Nurul Islam mosque of Buitengracht Street,
Bo-Kaap, Cape Town. The mosque was founded, as the Mohamedan Shafee Congregation,
by congregants led by Abdol Rakiep and Abdol Rauf, Tuan Guru’s sons. In 1844
the congregation took transfer of the property as a trust in the name of the
“Malay Community”. In 1867, the grandson
of Tuan Guru, Abdol Rakiep, became Imam of the mosque. Abdol Rakiep had been
schooled under Abu Bakr Effendi, a prominent scholar originally from
However, a second application to mortgage vacant land attached to the mosque for a loan with the purpose of erecting buildings thereon, was declined. The Chief Justice said that the trustees did not have the power to transfer, cede or mortgage any of the property of the congregation- even though this mortgage had been agreed upon by members in the meeting in September 1895. The judge stated that only fifteen members were present, thus the decision lacked consensus. Further, he stated that the “founders of this church seem to have some good reason for prohibiting any alienation or mortgage of this property, and I do not think good cause has now been shown for setting aside the prohibition.”[142]
The application was renewed in December 1895 on the basis that the mosque was badly in need of repairs. Again it was declined. Despite this the building programme had already begun and went ahead. The mosque was somehow mortgaged. There was difficulty in repaying the loan, and in 1905 the mosque was sold. The sale was a judicial one After the debts were paid, the leftover amount of 543 pounds were to be disbursed to the trustees, whose intent was to use sum to repurchase mosque or buy suitable property for building a new mosque. This came to light in an affidavit to show cause why the sheriff should not be restrained from paying over the balance to the trustees. This was in response to an application lodged by former congregants of the mosque who accused the trustees of maladministration and lack of care. The court accepted the arguments of the trustees and the former congregants lost their application.
The trustees did set up a new mosque in
Quite clearly, the mortgaging, selling and transferring in one’s own name as personal ownership of waqf are at odds with its rules. Trusts are more prone to these elements of human subjectivity because of the notion of ownership. However, as the above examples illustrate, the broader spiritual consciousness of waqf by the community tended to mitigate conscious or unintentional abuse of a trust.
The history
of the Queen Victoria of Jamia Mosque also graphically illustrates the problem
of waqf not being legally
recognized. The British government
granted Muslims land to build a mosque in return for their earlier support
fighting the Xhosas on the Eastern Frontier. In 1854 the first Imam Abdol
Bazier took transfer of the property in trust for the “Mohamedan community.”
However, in 1872 Shahibo, the third Imam, took transfer of the property in his
own name. When Shahibo controversially passed the Imamate onto his son,
Hassiem, some other congregants took the matter to court in 1887. The
congregants lost the case. Court action was also repeated in 1896, with a group
of congregants objecting to Hassiem’s using a room that was set aside for
religious festivals first as a stable and then as his residence. They also
complained of financial mismanagement. Shahibo, in his reply, stated “Malay
priests, in general, never laid financial statements of their mosques before
congregation.”[143]In
this case, too, the defendants were successful.
Hassiem was
succeeded by Imam Noor who “had no administrative ability and incurred a
tremendous debt in the name of the mosque. The congregation was declared
insolvent, with all the assets, including the mosque, being put up for auction
in the early 1930’s.”[144]
This
situation was fortunately averted but this dramatic instance shows how tenuous
and unprotected the notion of waqf could be in 19th century
Where waqf does enjoy more protection is when
the mosque is bounded by a clear constitution. Thus the personage who donated
the land for the Nurul Mohammadia mosque in 1899 transferred the property with
certain conditions. One of these was that there should be a register of members
who alone have voting powers. The trustees were required to update this
register to “avoid in the future unseemly disputes.”[145]
These members would vote for an Imam or other matters affecting the
mosque. These clauses were inserted due
to hard lessons learnt during the course of mosque disputes in the
The
twentieth century saw a change in the power dynamics between trustees and
Imams. Whereas the 19th century was characterized by powerful,
charismatic Imam who had full charge of the mosque, various factors in
twentieth century
-The global
forces of modernization. Greater access to Islamic knowledge through travel
heightened the role of the Shaykh as distinct from the Imam, the
former who as a a faqīh or legal scholar, was accorded greater
status than the latter, a ritual functionary.
-Apartheid
with its forced removals of communities through the Group Areas Act of 1950.
The relocation favoured committees and trust bodies as against the Imam. It was
the committee who raised funds for mosques and madāris, and other
associated activity, making Imam more vulnerable to committee.
- The
establishment of the Muslim Judicial Council in 1945. The establishment was a
response to the incessant disputes and the consequent fragmentation of
religious authority. The MJC now became, for all intents and purposes, the
“chief priest”. The Council’s interventions, coming from a Sharī’ah
discourse, helped depersonalize issues and conflicts. Thus in the Claremont
Main Road Mosque dispute in the 1970’s, which was brought to the courts, the
MJC sided with the committee in attacking “hereditary Imamship” [which the
ousted Imam was claiming] on the basis of the textual tradition. [146]
The
current-day administration of mosques
The
problems that have been associated with mosques have made administrators more
wary of operating within a proper regulatory framework. Thus Salie notes the
following in registering a mosque in
- More committees are having their constitutions registered at the local office of the Registrar of Deeds
- Recently, institutes and societies have opted to create a Notarial Trust Deed which incorporates the mosque and madrasah. Attorney and witnesses would appear before a Notary Public together with witnesses to create a Trust who will be charged with the affairs of an association. The Trust can establish a committee to see to the day to day running of mosque and madrasah. The purpose of Trust is to protect association’s assets and to prevent hostile takeovers “as had happened in the past”. [147]
He further suggest the methodology of donation : that the donor can give verbally to recipient of association (mutawallī) who accepts it in name of mosque he represents and that it must be registered at local Registrar of Deeds in the name of the mosque through a conveyancer. The documents that are to be lodged at Deeds Registry are the following:
In
The question, though, still needs to be asked: are these trusts working efficiently and meeting the objectives of waqf? We sought to elicit the recent and current-day administration of mosques through sample interviews with and questionnaires to key mosque personnel. The aim was to establish how successfully the mosque negotiated the concepts of waqf and trust.
INTERVIEWS
(a)Resume, with notes, of an interview with Dr Hoosain
Ebrahim, Chairman of the trustees, Jam’iyatus Sabr Mosque and madrasah
(Conducted 9 and 12 June 2007)
- In 1979 Jam’iyatus Sabr formed from Primrose Park Educational Society [PPES]/Islamic Society Manenberg [ISM] . The PPES focused on the madrasah while the IAM sphere was the mosque.
- From Jami’yatus Sabr the trustees are elected. The Trust body is called the Manenberg/Primrose Park Trust. Members were initially from both organizations after an earlier Chairman strongly urged they unite. However some members were reluctant to merge since they felt that the PPES would be freer to raise funds through activities that may have been frowned upon if done in the name of the mosque. This demonstrates the spiritual consciousness of waqf. In later years this initial tension between mosque and madrasah occasionally crops up among disaffected parties, but clearly in a mild manner. For instance there may be reservations among some as to why a particular upgrade to the mosque is necessary.
-The registration of the Manenberg/Primrose Park as a legal
entity was in order to secure the mosque and madrasah against takeover
bids. Such bids occurred in the early history of the mosque. For example one of
the personalities instrumental in building the mosque, the first Chairman, was
seen as overly domineering and was edged out. He made a failed bid to reassert
the original status quo. Another bid came from members of the Tabligh
Jamaat who gave up after seemingly being ordered by the Deobandi ‘ulamah, with
their base in northern
- Trustees are aware of the legal rudiments of a trust and have a spiritual consciousness of waqf. However, they are clearly not aware of the legal niceties of both. Thus while they legally owners of the land, they are aware that they merely administer the mosque and madrasah as waqf on behalf of the community. They are careful about not abusing any funds received, about distributing such funds according to the donors wishes[even though it may be more needed for other purposes] and so forth. However, when it comes to intricacies as to whether they can use waqf money to financially relieve a long-serving mutawallī then expert advice from outside needs to be sought. Similarly, while they understand that the trust protects the mosque against hostile takeovers, they would be not be aware of the technicalities of a trust- such as its exact tax status under the latest laws.
-The trustees are de facto life long members of the trust, there being no stipulations in this regard. The AGM’s have not been regularly held.
-Despite this, the mosque has not experienced any major conflict, apart from those early takeover bids. To a large extent this has been due to a stable Imam for the last 25 years. The Imam is low-key and efficient. This was after a tumultuous first few years when several high profile Imams were released from duty for various reasons: controversy, them not being able to be there regularly etc. Thus the good relationship between the Imam and trustees is a key reason for success. Further, the mosque is financially stable, being in the black.
-Overall, it is a successfully run mosque. This success is based upon the proven efficiency of, and implicit trust in, the parties involved in administering its activities.
However, we can at this juncture ask whether this stability will this continue in the future once the present trustees are gone and a new unproven group emerges. Will they be bounded by same consciousness of waqf? There appears to be a need for continuous safeguards to be put in place such as the holding of regular AGM’s and waqf/trust training for existing and incumbent trustees.
(b) Resume, with notes, of an interview with Shaykh
Nazeem Taliep 12 June 2007, Imam of
Masjid ul Khidma, Rondebosch East
-The Mosque and madrasah was registered as a trust, the Rondebosch East Islamic Community Trust, in 1997. The Mosque complex is called the Masjid ul Khidma
-There are ten trustees on board. The Imam is not a member of the trust though initially he was Amīr of the trustees. Trustees felt that salaried official cannot be trust member. This decision shows “corporatization” of trust . Trustees are generally professional people operating in an affluent area. The Imam is ambivalent about not being on trust- he believes his input will be vital and does not violate rules of waqf , but respects the arguments of the trustees.
- The constitution of the trust is a very detailed one. Prior to setting up the constitution, the Imam did detailed research on mosque committees and problems associated with them, even composing a paper on the subject. The constitution is set up so as to alleviate problems that have plagued many other mosques. Thus the constitution is not merely legal, but formulated to support the clear strategy upon which the mosque complex operates in administering its duties. The strategy revolves around the principles of shūrā (consultation) and responsibility. Basically, the considerable activities of the mosque are administered by subcommittees. The activities are determined by the needs of the mosque (education, Imamate) and community (youth, recreation etc.). The subcommittees are responsible to the trustees who in turn are bound by the stringent criteria of the constitution in being responsible to, and serving the, community. Among the criteria are restricted terms of membership (3 years), a fairly rigorous selection process for becoming a trustee, adherence to the behavior required by the trustees, the requirement for trustees to learn laws of waqf, and for all decisions to be taken collectively. The arrangement ensures that abuses and conflict are minimized.
-The Imam , in fact, has drawn up special models of conflict management based upon criteria in the Quran and ahadīth (such as the SNT formula, namely, shūrā, nasīḥah or advice and ta’āwun or co-operation). The emphasis is on the notion of “process”- that leadership is a process developed by masjid culture, and not about individuals and strong personalities. The model has been effective in diminishing potential conflict at the mosque in an area that could possibly have been divided along racial lines. Further, there are many successful, strong personalities in this affluent area and this model equalizes the various actors. No issue is regarded as too “trivial” to be swept under the carpet. Thus in a wage dispute between a teacher and a principal in 2000, a special “Commission of enquiry into the activities of the Rondebosch East Islamic Society” was set up to look at all aspects of the mosque, not only this dispute, resulting in further guidelines for the conduct of the mosque’s activities.
- The trustees are thus being actively trained to address problems in these terms without the aid of the Imam. Thus they are made more conscious of their responsibilities as trustees of a waqf property. This is especially important because they often lack a trained Islamic learning and ethos and thus need to be inducted into their responsibilities through guidance by the Imam and the constitution. Thus while they need not be aware of all the technicalities pertaining to waqf, they ought to have a general knowledge of its laws and the spiritual consciousness of its responsibility. On the other hand, given their backgrounds, they are, or become, au fait with legal details regarding trusts. However, the Imam still feels that they need to properly relate to the needs of the community by understanding the educative function of the Imam as the go-between between them and the community.
- The Imam, as to be expected, has a thorough knowledge of waqf . He thus purposefully suggested that the mosque be made waqf shar’ī (waqf according to the sharī’ah proper)and the other parts of the complex waqf ijtimā’ī (communal waqf) so as to accommodate ladies in menstruation, for instance, who come for mosque activities. He also declined a plan that would have allowed more parking space at the mosque for he felt that this would have violated waqf rules. Similarly, he ensures that the obsolete material of the mosque is sold and ploughed back into waqf etc.
- In summary, the trust as it stands protects the waqf from abuse. In fact, there are efforts underway to actively use funds to develop waqf and make the mosque self-sustaining. The success of the mosque is a two-edged sword for the Imam. A number of other mosques want to adapt its model. However, the Imam worries that the success must not lead to pride, and that trustees must fully realize that all success comes from Allah. In other words, he constantly brings them back to the spiritual consciousness that is to be ideally associated with a mutawallī of a waqf.
(c) Resume of an interview with FS, 13 June 14, 2007 Former Secretary of JU
Mosque, in the
In the mid 1960’s the mosque was established. A family based trust was mainly responsible for the overall administering of the trust. Though the family was not from the area of the mosque itself, they (and certain other trustees) felt a philanthropic desire to contribute to Islamic upliftment in a socio-economically depressed area. The need for a mosque was identified and land was bought.
Initially the family was quite heavily involved in the mosque, not only in terms of its administration but also in family members acting as prayer leaders and khatībs. Given the nature of the trust, and family involvement, there was the perception that they “owned” the mosque. Thus there was early opposition by members of the community who felt the mosque must become “waqf”. The family response was that it was already waqf because the Board of Trustees (the “JU” Trust) was duly registered. However, this was more in terms of a spiritual consciousness rather than in a detailed knowledge of the laws of waqf. Another component of the trust board, the B. Muslim Society [BMS], was the trustee from the community. Gradually the family started withdrawing from administering and participating in mosque activities, leaving the effective running to the BMS. In the early 1980’s there were serious charges of maladministration. For many, the trust was held responsible for the state of affairs because of its absenteeism. The family and its co-trustees tried to reassert control over the mosque at this juncture. The then Imam felt constricted and “insulted” by the family’s conditions of appointment. This initiated intermittent conflict at the mosque, which at stages was translated into physical violence. Various other undertows also crept into the conflict, such as the Islamic ideological rivalry between the various factions involved.
It is clear here that various social factors- such as the family’s distance from the waqf and segments of the community feeling excluded from the sense of owning and belonging to the mosque-played a crucial role in the trust’s misfortunes. In such a tense atmosphere, the concept of waqf becomes very vulnerable, to be used as a weapon rather than a concept that needs to be understood, since the trust itself was charged to have been maladministered.
(d) Questionnaire based interview with a committee member
and a murīd of the Owal [“Awwal”] mosque, Bo-Kaap.
Ans: In the Estate of Saartjie Van de Kaap.
Ans: As Waqf.
Ans: We understand the basic meaning of Waqf but not fully. In my understanding it
means that if something is waqf it implies that it belongs to the community and
if it is a book, that book cannot be removed from the Masjied.
Ans: To some degree not fully, whether we adhere to it fully is questionable.
Ans: Committee member - No problems.
Ans: From a long time Murīd of Masjied – Yes between the Imam and the
Committee. Approximately ten years ago the committee accused both Imams of not fulfilling their duties. The Imams subsequently took the
committee to the labor court. A settlement was reached out of court and
payments was made to both Imams. After a short while both Imams vacated
their positions. This incident took place during the life of the late Shaykh. Salih
Abādī. This turned ugly as the community became involved.
There has also been another incident five years between the committee
members. This was a result of young committee members (between the age of
21 and 25) wanting to bring about a transformation in the administration and vision of the Auwal Masjied. Their ideas were always frowned upon and often
disregarded. This created animosity and frustration which resulted that all the
young committee members resigning from their positions.
do you ascribe its success to.
Ans: Committee member: Good understanding between the Imam and Committee.
From a long time Murid – Not sufficient activities in the Masjied.
Ans: They are strictly bounded in their understanding of what Waqf means.
Before any money is being spent a meeting is being called.
Ans: Yes, They also try to fulfill their obligations in conjunction with the rules
of trusts.
Note: The dispute with the Imams, that resulted in civic meetings as well, touched upon the concept of waqf in an interesting manner. The Imams claimed that since the mosque was not true waqf- being still in the hands of the family- they were not bound by the dictates of the committee.
(e) Interview with a committee member of Masjid Salam,
Athlone
Ans: As a trust.
Ans: As a trust
Ans: Well understood. The trust consists of three people; Sh. Salih Din and two other people. Sh. Salih consistently advises them of their duties.
Ans: Yes they do. Because it has been registered as a trust for many years.
Ans: Approximately 16 years ago there have been differences between the two Imams of the Masjied Sh. Salih Din and Sh. Amien Soeker. The community became involved and a decision was taken by the committee to ask Sh. Amien Soeker to step down. Ever since there has been no problems.
do you ascribe its success to.
Ans: There is a good relationship between the committee and the three Imams of the Masjied (Sh. Moosa, Sh. Abdurahman and Sh. Salih.)
Ans: The Committee members do not serve on the trust. Before the trust makes any decisions they must obtain the mandate from the committee. The trust has not violated there duties.
Ans: They are aware of their Waqf responsibility. They are spiritually motivated because Sh. Salih Din serves on the Trust.
Notes: What is
clear from these response is that the relative success of this mosque is
partially derives intrinsically, from the trustees having to be responsible to
the msoque’s committee before taking decisions and, extrinsically, from the
strong, well-respected personality of one
Conclusions and recommendations: are trusts a workable
legal solution for waqf?
Given the uneven experiences of mosque administration, there is nothing intrinsic in the concept of a trust that ensures the failure or success of a waqf, and we are thus compelled to examine the various aspects that constitute the trust, and its operation in a given social locale, if we are to look at the reasons behind its success, or lack thereof.
It is apparent that a trust deed, or the constitution that informs the trust deed, must have built in safeguards that protect and maintain the principles and objectives of waqf. Thus while the law dictates that ownership will devolve upon the trustees, there has to be mechanisms in place that ensure collective decision making, that allow for revolving trusteeship, and that bound trustees to the fixed interest of the trust. In this way, a sense of ownership by the trustees will remain formal rather than real. Such safeguards will also lessen potential mismanagement of assets.
It is also evident that success or failure depends not only upon what the constitution details or does not detail, but also in how a trust is run. The perceived efficiency or inefficiency of the trustees is often the reason why communities would be accepting of trustees or not. Again, criteria that gauge efficiency needs to be built into the mosque constitution. Successful management models, taken from the corporate world and realigned in terms of the Islamic ethos, need to be adopted in order to keep pace with the changing expectations of a community.
Finally, the element of human subjectivity- which is bolstered by the sense of ownership associated with a trust- needs to be kept in check. A broad spiritual consciousness of waqf, while still the key, is not sufficient. Constitutional mechanisms should be in place that enhance that consciousness as well as induct trustees into becoming familiar with the laws related to both trusts and waqf. Further, given the nature of globalization, the understanding of waqf should be predicated upon a multi-madhab basis so as to make optimum use of its potential as a tool to build sustainable communities.
Bibliography
Davids, Achmat Mosques
of Bo Kaap.
Salie, Abduragiem Hasan. The Laws pertaining to mosques
in Islam. Daddys Books,
Tayob,
Abdulkader. Islam in
Book Review
Riddell
Peter. 2001. Islam and the Malay-Indonesian World: Transmission and
Responses.
Azra,
Azyumardi. 2004. The origin of Islamic Reformism in Southeast Asia: Networks
of Malay-Indonesian and Middle Eastern Ulama in the 17th c and 18th
c.
Intellectual figures in different societies have made tremendous contributions towards knowledge production over generations. Their intellectual outputs did not remain restricted to their respective communities but crisscrossed geographical and generational boundaries. Randall Collins’ The Sociology of Philosophies: A Global Theory of Intellectual Change (Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press 1998) illustrated this quite well; he did not only reflect upon the networks that emerged in Ancient Greece but also revealed how these developed in the Hindu, Confucian and Muslim communities. Collins’ treatment was in a way a response to Azra’s opening remarks in his introduction in which he lamented the absence of studies that have not focused on the transmission of Islamic renewal and reformism. As a result of this Azra addressed this in his book, which was first published Bahasa Indonesia in 1994 and in Arabic in 1997, and so did Riddell. Both Riddell and Azra traced the transmission of Islamic scholarly networks across generations. Azra however made the point that whilst there were political overtones associated with these networks, they were essentially religious networks that stimulated debates that lingered on for decades. When comparing Riddell’s book to that of Azra’s publication it is noted that Riddell book was divided into three distinct parts that were further sub-divided into chapters and that Azra partitioned his text into only seven chapters.
Riddell
undertook an ambitious task of covering a vast intellectual period which he
rationalized in his introductory chapter (pp. 1-12). In Chapter Two (pp. 13-19)
Riddell took us back to the Muslim heartlands where the Quran was revealed and
narrated its historical compilation. This overview was followed by a discussion
in Chapter Three (pp. 20-32) of the place of revelation amidst the debates
regarding doctrinal and other theological issues. The latter chapter opened the
path for an insight into significant Quranic commentaries such as Al-Baghawi
and Al-Baydawi in Chapter Four (pp. 33-49), an assessment of Islamic law in
Chapter Five (pp. 50-68), Sufism in Chapter Six (pp. 69-80), and Islamic
Reformism in Chapter Seven (pp. 81-100). Since Riddell was looking specifically
at
Part
Two, which was divided into three chapters (pp. 101-206), interrogated what he
termed ‘Malay Islamic Thinking until the turn of 1900.’ In Chapter Eight
Riddell zoomed in on the ‘Sufis in Conflict’ from the early 16th c
until the late 17th c. He began this chapter by tracing the birth of
Malay Islamic literature and demonstrated how it was intermeshed with imported
Islamic literature from the Muslim heartlands. These early interactions of
individuals and importations of ideas gradually gave rise to the development of
Southeast Asian intellectual communities and these communities were, in turn,
served and led by outstanding intellectual figures whose legacies are still
discussed and debated in contemporary intellectual circles. At this point, it
might be good to bring Azra’s work into view; the latter also returned to the
17th c
In Riddell’s ninth chapter (pp. 139-167) he outlined the ‘Early Malay Quranic Exegetical activity’ and explained how Al-Badawi and Jalalayn’s exegetical texts were used and taught in Southeast Asian scholarly networks. As expected, some translated them whilst others fused them into the theological works that they produced for their respective educational circles. Riddell then went on to chart out the intellectual activities in ‘The 18th and 19th Centuries: From Sufism to Reform’ (pp. 168-206); in this chapter he gave an idea of the scholars who stood out during these two centuries. Azra covered similar intellectual material and figures but only confined himself to the 18th century in the sixth chapter titled ‘Networks of the Ulama and Islamic Renewal in the Eighteenth Century Malay-Indonesian World’ (pp. 109-126). Both Riddell and Azra recognized ‘Abdus-Samad al-Palembani (d. 1789) for having been one of the most outstanding scholars during that century. Whilst Azra rounded off his study by focusing on ‘Renewal in the Network: The European Challenge’ in the final chapter (pp. 127-147) before concluding his study in his epilogue (pp. 148-153), Riddell went further by providing an insight into ‘Malay Islamic Thought’ that stretched from 1900 until 1998 in Chapter Eleven (pp. 207-265), which incidently was the beginning of Part Three. In this chapter Riddell deliberated on the ideas of Harun Nasution (d. 1998) as well as those of Nurcholish Madjid, Abdurrahman Wahid (the former president of Indonesia) and Anwar Ibrahim (the former deputy prime minister if Malaysia). Riddell devoted a special chapter (pp. 266-286) to the exegetical activities and another (pp. 287-315) on popular preaching in Southeast Asia before drawing his work to a conclusion in Chapter Fourteen (pp. 316-322).
Apart
from quibbling about the inclusion first part of Riddell’s text, his book -
like Azra’s more dense treatment of some of the issues - provides a good
insight and understanding of the formation and development of intellectual
networks in and beyond
Contributors
Dr Salie Abrahams is Registrar, IPSA
Professor
Muhammed Haron is with the Department of Religion and Theology,
Shaykh Fakhruddin Owaisi lecturer in Ḥadīth, IPSA
Dr Auwais Rafudeen is lecturer in ‘Aqīdah, IPSA
Shaykh Ighsaan Taliep is Vice Rector, IPSA
Shaykh Dawood Terblanche is lecturer in Fiqh, IPSA
[1] Qur’an 7: 52
[2] Qur’an 2: 286
[3] S Abrahams, A. Mukadam and E. Khamisa, Effective Parenting,
AKM Consultants,
[4] Qur’an 2: 201
[5] Syed Muhammad Naquib Al-Attas, The Concept of
Education in Islam. A Framework for an Islamic Philosophy of Education,
ISTAC,
[6]
Aslam Fataar, “Educational Reflexivity in the Age of Discursive Closure. Issues
and Strategies”, in South African Muslims in a Changing World: Issues and
Strategies, Proceedings of the International
[7] Prophetic Hadith quoted in Nawawi’s “Forty Hadith “ -Hadith no. 17
[8]
Stephen Covey, The Seven habits of Highly Effective People, Simon and
[9] Tom Peters and Nancy Austin. A Passion for Excellence. The Leadership Difference. Collins. 1985.
[10]
Bruner, T and Haste, H (eds), Making Sense: The Child’s Construction of The World,
[11] L. Vygotsky as quoted in Cole, M., Johns-Steiner,V.
and Schribner,S. (eds) Mind and Society, Harvard University Press,
[12] Salie Abrahams Moral Reasoning in Context:
Construction of the Adolescent World Under Apartheid A Doctoral Thesis Presented to
pp 39- 41
[13] Seraj Hendricks,
“Islam as a Universal Civilization” in South African Muslims in a Changing
World: Issues and Strategies, Proceedings of the International Peace
University South Africa Seminar Series, 2005, pp74-75
[14] Qur’an 16:25
[15] A Prophetic Hadith, narrated by Tirmidhi and Ibn Majah
[16] Qur’an 49 :13
[17]
Fazlur Rahman Ansari , Islam to the modern mind,eds Y. Mohamed/ M.
Kriel, 2nd edition , Iqra Publishers,
[18] Qur’an 2:162
[19] Tayob, Islamic Resurgence in South Africa, p.33.
[20] Ibid.
[21] Nasr, Ideals and Realities of Islam, p.127.
[22] Ibid. p.128.
[23] Ibn-Khaldūn, Al-Muqaddimah fi al-Tārīkh, p.328.
[24]
Al-Suyūtī, Ta’yīd
al- Ḥaqīqah
al-‘Aliyyah, p.57.
[25] Ansarī, Islam to the Modern Mind, 248.
[26] Nasr, Ideals and Realities of Islam, p.127.
[27] The corpus of the sayings, actions and stories narrated from the Prophet Muhammd (S.A.W.).
[28] Tayob, Islamic Resurgence in South Africa, p.30.
[29]
Ernst, The Shambhala guide to Sufism, p.97.
[30] The Qurān, 29:64.
[31]
Ernst, The Shambhala guide to Sufism, p.49.
[32] Ernst, The Shambhala guide to Sufism, p.20.
[33] I have given a detailed exposition of the historical context, obectives and the role of this and other works of al-Sulamī in the next section. Please refer to it there.
[34] These are some of the complimentary titles that normally accompany the mention of al-Sulamī’s name in many classical works. They mean: “The Master, Jurist, tradionist, Exegete, Ascetic, Mystic” .
[35] Abū ‘Abd al-Rahmān al-Sulamī should not be confused with his namesake from the Tabi‘īn (the second generation of Muslims after the blessed Prophet).
[36] Ibn-al-Mubārak, Al-Ibrīz, vol.2, p.145.
[37]
Al-Sulamī, Kitāb al-Futuwwah, p.3.
[38] Ibn-al-Mubārak, Al-Ibrīz, vol.2, p.145.
[39] Al-Sulamī, Kitāb al-Futuwwah, p.4.
[40] Father of the more famous Abū al-Ma‘ālī al-Juwaynī (d.478/1085).
[41]
Al-Qushayrī, Al-Risālah, p.130.
[42] Qādirī, Mishkāt al-Nubuwwah, vol.3, p.72.
[43]
Al-Hujwayrī, Kashf ul-Mahjūb, p.159.
[44]
Some scholars have denied al-Basrī’s initiation by ‘Alī.
However leading Ḥadīth scholars such as al-Suyūtī
(d.911/1505) and Ibn-Ḥajar al-Haytamī (d.974/1567)
have confirmed it. (Īsā, Ḥaqā’iq, p.442).
[45]
Īsā, Ḥaqā’iq, p.444.
[46] Qādirī¸Mishkāt al-Nubuwwah, vol.3, p.72.
[47] Al-Hujwayrī, Kashf ul-Mahjūb, p.164.
[48] Qādirī, Mishkāt al-Nubuwwah, vol.3, p.73.
[49]
Al-Qushayrī, Al-Risālah, p.31.
[50] Al-Sulamī, Kitāb al-Futuwwah, p.4.
[51] Check ‘Section 7’ of this work regarding the the ‘knowledge of the tongue’ and the ‘knowledge of the heart’.
[52] Glasse, The Concise
Encyclopedia of Islam, p.144.
[53] Al-Hujwayrī, Kashf al-Mahjūb, p.150.
[54]
Certain scholars have tried to link
al-Ḥallāj with magic and wizardry on the one hand or heretical
Shi‘ite movements such as the Qarmatians on the other hand (Glasse, The
Concise Encyclopedia of Islam,
p.144-146). However, al-Hujwayri, who lived less than a century after
him, flatly denies these claims. He writes: “It is absurd to charge
al-Ḥallāj with being a magician…..Consequently, they (his
extraordinary deeds) must have been miracles, and miracles are vouchsafed only
to a true saint.” He also writes: “(some) suppose that Ḥusayn bin
Mansūr al-Ḥallāj is that heretic of
[55] Al-Sulami himself had a favourable view of al-Ḥallāj and even quoted some of his poetry in his works (Al-Qushayrī, Al-Risālah, p.109).
[56]
Ernst, The Shambhala guide to Sufism, p.118-119).
[57] Al-Hujwayrī, Kashf al-Mahjūb, p.152.
[58] Al-Sulamī, Kitāb al-Futuwwah, p.5.
[59]
Al-Sarrāj’s work has been translated to English by Prof. Nicholson (
[60]
Kalābādhī’s work has been translated to English by Arberry (
[61] Al-Sulamī, Kitāb al-Futuwwah, p.5.
[62]
Qushayrī’s work has been translated to English by B.R. Von Schlegell (
[63]
Al-Hujwayrī’s work work has been translated to English by Prof. Nicholson
(
[64] Al-Ghazālī’s works have been translated to English by various scholars.
[65]
Al-Suhrawardī’s major work, ‘Awārif al-Ma‘ārif, has been
translated by H.W.Clarke. (
[66] Al-Farq Bayn al-Firaq, p.189. Al-Sulamī’s influence on him can be ascertained from the following quote from him: “The book Tārīkh al-Sūfiyyah (History of the Sufis, more commonly known as Tabaqāt al-Sūfiyyah) by Abū ‘Abd al-Rahmān al-Sulamī comprimises the biographies of nearly a thousand Shaykhs of the Sufis, none of whom belonged to heretical sects and all of whom were of the Sunni community, with the exception for three of them.” (Al-Baghdādī, Usūl al-Dīn, p.315-316).
[67]
Ibn Taymiyyah states concerning the Sufis of the first four centuries of Islam,
the founders of Sufism: “The great Shaykhs mentioned by Abū Abd
al-Rahmān al-Sulamī in the Tabaqāt
al-Sūfiyyah, and al-Qushayrī in al-Risālah,
were adherents of the school of Ahl al-Sunnah wa ’l-Jamā‘ah and
the school of the people of Ḥadīth”.(Al-Risālah al-Safadiyyah, vol.1, p.267). ‘Abd
Allāh, the son of Muhammad bin ‘Abd al-Wahhāb states: “My
father and I do not deny or criticize the science of Sufism; on the contrary,
we support it because it purifies the external and the internal of the hidden
sins which are related to the heart and the outward
form”.(Al-Nu’mānī, Al-Da‘āyāt al-Mukaththafah, p.85).
[68] Al-Sulamī, Kitāb al-Futuwwah, p.4.
[69]
Al-Qushayrī, Al-Risālah
al-Qushayriyyah, p.127
[70]
Ersnt, The Shambhala guide to Sufism, p.24.
[71]
Al-Hujwayrī, Kashf
al-Mahjūb, p.44.
[72]Ibid. p.82.
[73] Ernst, The Shambhala guide to Sufism, p.63.
[74] Check ‘Section 27’ of this work for an explanation of ‘the Language of Unity’.
[75] Al-Sulamī, Tabaqāt al-Sūfiyyah, p.48-49.
[76] Ibid. Kitāb al-Futuwwah, p.4.
[77] Godlas, Sufi Koran Commentary: A Survey of the Genre, p.2.
[78] Check ‘Section 32’ of this work regarding the Sufi concept of ‘Hidden Knowledge’.
[79] Bowering, The Mystical Vision of Existence in Classical Islam, p.56.
[80] Godlas, Sufi Koran Commentary: A Survey of the Genre, p.13.
[81] Ibid.
[82]
Al-Sulamī, Kitāb al-Futuwwah, p.6.
[83] Ibid.
[84] Check ‘Section 39’ of this work regarding the Sufi concept of Samā‘.
[85] Al-Hujwayrī, Kashf al-Mahjūb, p.401.
[86] Check ‘Section 1’ of this work regarding the Ashāb al-Suffah.
[87]
Ibid. p.82.
[88] Narrated by Ibn-‘Adī.
[89]
Al-Sulamī, Kitāb al-Futuwwah, p.29.
[90] Ibn al-Jawzī, Mir’āt al-Zamān, Year 412 (A.H.).
[91] Ibn al-Subkī, T.abaqāt al-Shāfi‘iyyah al-Kubrā, vol 4, p.121.
[92] Al-Baghdādī, Tārīkh Baghdād, vol. 2, p.284.
[93] For the sake of easier
reading, I have deleted al-Sulamī’s Isnāds (chains of narration) to each Ḥadīth.
These may be seen in the original Arabic text. However, I have mentioned the
full chain of narration for the first Ḥadīth, as a sample of
the rest.
[94] The “Ashāb as-Suffah” (lit. “The people of the bench”) were a group of poor companions of the Prophet (s.a.w.), who would ussaully sit on a bench/porch (Ar. Suffah) in front of his house, spending their time in worship of Allah and service of the Prophet. The Prophet (s.a.w.) was once reproached by Allāh on their behalf and informed: “Do not drive away those who call unto their Lord at morn and eve, desiring His Face” (The Holy Qur’ān, 6:52). Their sustenance would come, more often than not, from the Prophet (s.a.w.) himself, and the well-off ones among his companions. The following prominent companions were among the ‘Ashāb as-Suffah’: Bilāl bin Rabāh, Salmān al-Fārisī, Abū-‘Ubaydah bin al-Jarrāh, Abū-Hurayrah, ‘Ammār bin Yāsir, Abū-Dharr al-Ghifārī, Abū-’d-Dārda’, ‘Abd-Allāh bin Mas‘ūd, Abū- Lubābah, ‘Abd-Allāh bin ‘Umar, Zayd bin al-Khattāb, ‘Ukāshah bin Muhassin, Miqdād bin al-Aswad, Abū-Kabshah and Thawbān.(Kashf ul-Mahjūb, p.81).The Persian Sufi writer ‘Alī Hujwayrī (d.464/1071) wrote a detailed book concerning them called Minhāj al-Dīn (The Order of the Religion). However, he was preceded in this by our own compiler here, al-Sulamī. To quote Hujwayrī: “Shaykh Abū ‘Abd-al-Rahmān Muhammad bin al-Ḥusayn al-Sulamī, the traditionist (naqqāl) of the Sufism and transmitter of the sayings of the Sufi Shaykhs, has written a separate history of the People of the Bench, in which he has recorded their virtues and merits and names”. (Ibid. p.82). Many scholars have considered the word Sūfī to be derived from the Ashāb as-Suffah as they were considered to be the first “Sufis” as such (Ḥaqā’iq, p.11). For details on this matter, check ‘Section 29’of this work.
[95] Fuqarā’ is the plural of Faqīr,
which literally means ‘a poor man’. In Sufi terminology however, it means a
person who aspires to “spiritual poverty or detachment …….which is a vacare deo, an emptying of the soul for
God”. (The Concise Encyclopedia, p.121). The origin of the concept comes from the Qur’ānic Verse
(47:38) which says: “Verily God is the Rich (one) and you are the poor (Fuqarā’)”. The Bible
(Matthew 5:3) had also stated: “Blessed are the poor in spirit; for theirs is
the
[96]
The Companions who had migrated to Madinah to safeguard their Faith and be with
the
Prophet (s.a.w.)
[97] The importance of good manners in the way of Sufism can be determined from the following statement of the eminent early Sufi al-Junayd (d.297/910), when asked to define Sufism: Sufism is to apply every good characteristic and abstain from every evil characteristic” (Ḥaqā’iq, p.9).
[98] The famous Tābi‘ī and “early Sufi” Uways al-Qarnī, who is also praised in an authentic Ḥadīth, is narrated to have said after giving away all his clothes and food except that which he was utilising at the moment: “O Allāh, if anyone amongst your slaves dies of nakedness or hunger do not blame me”.(Rawd al-Rayāhīn, p.184). Most Sufis aspire to follow the example of Abū-Bakr and ‘Uways‘.
[99] Karāmāt is the plural of Karāmah which literally means ‘an honour’. In Islamic terminology however, it means ‘extraordinary acts/miracles performed through divine spiritual power’. These Karāmāt are considered a gift of God to his Awliyā’ i.e. friends, the saints of Islam. As the miracles of the Prophets are called Mu‘jizāt, the miracles of the saints are called Karāmāt. The great Imām, Ahmad bin Ḥanbal (d.241/854) was asked: “Why were the Karāmāt more prevalent in the later generations than in the time of the Sahābah?”. He replied: “Because their (i.e. the Sahābah’s) faith was strong, therefore they did not need anything to strenghten it by. However, that of others was weaker than them, so they were strengthened through the demonstration of Karāmāt for them”. (Ḥaqā’iq, p.316.)
[100]
Shubuhāt or Mushtabahāt are
those matters which may be questionable from the
[101]
Traditionally, the Sufis have been considered to be the possessors/exponents of
the “Knowledge of the Heart”, thus being referred to by traditional Islamic
scholars as the Arbāb al-Qulūb
i.e. masters of the hearts, and in the Indo-Persian languages as the Ahl-e-Dil i.e. the people of the
heart. On the other hand, the scholars
of the Law have been considered to be the possessors of the “Knowledge of the
Tongue”. In this respect, it is narrated that the famous Qādī
(Judge) Ibn-Surayj once attended the gathering of the renowned Sufi al-Junayd.
Afterwards, upon being asked what he had comprehended from Junayd’s mystical
discourse, he replied: “I do not understand what he says but I find his words
to have a clear affect on the heart”(al-Yawāqīt, p.19). In accordance with the
above-mentioned Ḥadīth, the “Knowledge of the Heart”
is that which touches the hearts and automatically turns them towards the
Divine, while the “Knowledge of the Tongue” comprimises of the laws and rules
that establish God’s authority in this world and will be used against those who
do not follow them.
[102]
Most Sufis have been known for avoiding mixing with the wealthy lest they also
get infected with the love of the world. The Shaykhs of the Chisti Order have been
especially known for avoiding to greet
even Kings and Rulers. A popular anecdote states that the emperor of
[103] Sufis are known to enquire
from themselves and others about self righteous claims.
[104] Ḥaqīqah is an important term in Sufi vocabulary and is actually derived from this Ḥadīth. Literally, it means ‘reality’. In Sufi terminology however, it refers to the ‘spiritual wisdom and realities behind everything in existence’. It also refers to, “The Ultimate Reality”, by which they mean i.e. “The Divine Presence of Allāh in, above and around everything in existence”. According to the Sufis, it is the realization of this Divine Presence of Oneness which makes a person a complete believer or an ‘Ārif-Bi‘Llāh (Knower of Allāh), also a term derived from this Ḥadīth. Statements such as that of al-Ḥārith have been very common among Sufis, although they have been condemned sometimes by strict theologians and jurists as being ostentatious, false or blasphemous. Yet the Prophet (s.a.w) had approved it.
[105] Sufis produce such Ḥadīth as the evidence for their emphasis on the purification of the inner self and not only the perfection of the outer appearance.
[106] Dhikr (lit. remembrance) refers here to
the “remembrance of Allāh”. “Shukr” means gratefulness and “Sabr” refers to patience and perseverance. All of these are
qualities praised in the Holy Qur’ān and are fundamental principles of the
[107]
The famous Yemeni Sufi biographer, al-Imām ‘Afīf-ad-Dīn
al-Yafi‘ī (d.768/1366) says after mentioning the extremely ascetic
lifestyle of ‘Uways al-Qarnī and other Sufis, and their complete reliance
on God for survival: “[A]nd one does not bother about those who revile them
(i.e. the ascetic Sufis), saying that it (i.e. their lifestyle) is in
opposition to the Sunnah (i.e.
way of the Prophet); for he (i.e. the
criticiser) does not know that the greatest Sunnah
is to abandon the world, to turn away from creation and turn towards the Lord,
and to cut off all relationships except with Allāh”. (Rawd
al-Rayāhīn.
p.182).
[108] Although Sufis have generally been criticized by most jurists for their austerity and ascetic lifestyle, they have nevertheless persisted in it claiming that it is the way of the Prophet (s.a.w.), as expressed in this Ḥadīth.
[109] We have explained the Sufi concepts of Faqr and Fuqarā’ earlier on. The poet/philosopher of the East, Iqbāl (d.1357/1938), says in one of his Urdu couplets, addressing present day Muslims, Sufis in particular:
Oh! You have lost the secret of Faqr
For
(even) the lands of
True Faqr, according to Sufis, is not the abandonment of the world completely, but rather the complete detachment of the heart from materialism, and its complete devotion to Allāh Most High. The great Sufi, Shaykh ‘Abd-al-Qādir al-Jīlānī (d.561/1166) is recorded to have stated upon being asked about his being an enormously wealthy man and a Sufi at the same time: “Sufism is to empty the heart of all worldly things, not the pocket”. The poet Iqbal was referring to this fact. Therefore, the Sufi term Faqīr is not synonymous with a “beggar” as some non-sufis wrongly misconstrue.
[110] Sufis have generally
emphasized on the minimization of one’s concerns. For Sufis, the only matter
that is really worthy of concern for a human being is the relationship with
Allah Most High, who is considered responsible for everything else. One is
required to have complete faith in that. This then results in complete
contentment and satisfaction.
[111] Most Sufis have been known to conceal the trials and tribulations they went through. Most of these were revealed after their deaths. They hid these as they considered complaining about them to be a sign of discontent with Allah Most High, and also due their belief that these trials and tests were actually ‘Divine blessings in disguise’.
[112]
This Ḥadīth is considered a compliment for those Sufis who,
following the example of Mus‘ab, had left their riches and sacrificed
the comforts of life for “the love of Allāh and his Messenger”. Among the
early Sufis, there is the example of Ibrāhīm al-Adham (d.165/782) and
Shāh bin Shujā‘ al-Kirmānī (d.270/884), who were formerly
princes from the royal families of
[113] The ‘saints’ of Islam are generally termed as Awliyā’ Allāh’ i.e. the friends of Allāh. The term is actually taken from the following verse of the Holy Qur’ān (10:62): “No doubt! Indeed, the friends of Allāh, no fear shall come upon them nor shall they grieve”. However, not all Awliyā’ are considerd to be equal in status or function. Important in the Sufi hierarchy of the Awliyā’ are the Abdāl (lit. “substitutes”; sing, badal). It is believed that through their blessed presence, Allāh’s punishment is withheld from the earth. They are called Abdāl because when one dies, he is substituted by another.(Al-Ibrīz, vol.2, p.11). Shāfi‘ī scholar al-Suyūtī (d.911/1505), and the Ḥanafī jurist Ibn-‘Ābidīn (1252/1836) have authored detailed treatises proving the existence of the Abdāl and other categories of Awliyā‘ such as “al-Qutb”, “al-Ghawth”, “al-Nujabā’”, “al-Nuqabā’”…etc.
[114] Feeding people is an important part of Sufi tradition. Sufi lodges, called Zāwiyahs or Khanqāhs have been well-known, over the ages, for the providing of food to all people, Muslims and non-Muslims, rich and poor, alike. An eyewitness states that 500 “tables would be spread” in the camp of the famous West African Sufi Shaykh of the Tijani Order, al-Ḥāj ‘Umar Tāl (Kashf al-Ḥijāb, p.336). In keeping with the Sufi tradition, most visitors to the tombs of famous Sufi saints make a point of feeding all the people present there or leave food for them. Therefore, the large number of poor people who usually stay around these shrines.
[115] Contrary to general perception, Sufi Shaykhs have always discouraged their disciples from begging, whatever state they are in, but they are permitted to take if given. Some Orders do not allow taking as well. The Sufi is supposed to beg from Allah Almighty only.
[116] There have been many Sufi
saints whose elevated status in spirituality and devotion to Allāh Most
High was only discovered after their death or through the spiritual
comprehension of other saints. In their lifetimes, they were considered by most
people to be ordinary (in some cases, even questionable) men. The most famous
of these men perhaps was the ascetic Tābi‘ī, Sayyidunā
Uways al-Qarnī, who was considered a madman by most of his contemporaries
(Rawd
al-Rayāhīn.
p.181). It is said that had the Prophet (s.a.w.) not informed his
Companions about ‘Uways’ elevated spiritual status, he would have been a
forgotten man of history. Sufis have also used the above the Ḥadīth
as a proof of the auspiciouness of the
color ‘green,’ which has become associated with them.
[117]
I have translated Qanā‘ah and Wara‘ as “contentment with what one
possesses” and “intense abstinence” respectively. Al-Qushayrī (d.465/1072),
a student of al-Sulamī, gives a definition of Qanā‘ah in his celebrated work on Sufism, al-Risālah as thus: “The absence of
desire for what one does not possess and the satisfaction with what one does
possess”. (Al-Risālah, p.75). Wara‘ is defined as thus: “To refrain from all Shubuhāt (i.e. questionable matters)”. (Ibid. p.53 ). Concerning laughing, it is
narrated that the famous Ḥasan of Basrah (d.110/728), who
is counted amongst the early Sufis, was once passing by a group of people who
were laughing excessively, so he asked them: “Have you been pardoned from the
Fire of Hell? ”. They replied: ‘No’. Then he asked them: “Have you been
guaranteed that you will you pass on the Sirāt (the bridge to
[118] The Ahl as-Suffah and the Fuqarā ‘have been mentioned earlier on (check Section’s1 and 2). Among the major principles and rules for an initiate into the Sufi Orders is to bind with members of the Order in all circumstances and situations, as one binds with family or even more strongly. This is due to the fact that the fuqarā‘ are one’s fellow-travellers on the journey to Allāh, which is an eternal journey, while one’s family will be seperated from one on the Day of Judgement if not in this world already. This is attested to in the Qur’ān itself.
[119] In the terminology of the Sufis, Tafrīd (rt. Fard i.e. the unique and sole one) means the complete belief in and realization of the Oneness of Allāh and His unique and sole Being which in Reality (the Ḥaqīqah) is the only truly existing Real Being…the Eternal and Ever Living (Bāqī)…the Only Independent Being existing by itself. Everything else in existence is dependent on Him for existence and is Fānī i.e. vanishing. Nothing is similar unto Him and His Eternal Essence is beyond human comprehension and all that is in the Universe is but the Manifestation of His Qualities and Attributes. For example, the ‘poor man’ exists as a manifestation of Allāh’s Eternal Attribute of al-Māni‘ (The Depriver)….other than that, he is nothing. To speak in the language of Tafrīd is to express these realities, concisely or in detail, subtly or ‘bluntly’. Most Sufis, especially later ones, were known to speak in the language of Tafrīd or Wahdah Mutlaqah as it is also termed. This phenomenon reached its peak in the writing of Muhyī-’d-Dīn Ibn-‘Arabī (d.638/1240) who was called Lisān al-Ḥaqīqah i.e. the tongue of the Divine Reality and al-Shaykh al-Akbar i.e. the greatest Master. Other sufi saints who “spoke in the language of tafrīd” include Jalāl-ad-Dīn Rūmī, Abd-al-Karīm al-Jīlī, Ibn-al-Fārid, Ahmad al-Allāwī and Sīdī Ahmad al-Tijānī”. For the Sufis, Tafrīd, is a deeper implication and elaboration of the fundamental Islamic concept of Tawhīd i.e. to acknowledge the Oneness of Allāh. Al-Sulamī produced evidence for this as many jurists and theologians were very critical of the “Lisān at-Tafrīd”. The fact that al-Sulamī uses the action of the first Caliph Abū-Bakr as an evidence for speaking in the language of Tafrīd also shows, among other things, the Sunni nature of early Sufism, contrary to certain western orientalist and Muslim reformist claims that the origins of Sufism lie in Shī‘ism.
[120] It has been the tradition of many Sufi Shaykhs to personally serve their guests.
[121] Sufis have been known for wearing old patched clothes, especially that of wool because of its roughness. According to some scholars, the Sufis have been called “Sūfī” for their wearing of wool which in the Arabic language is called Sūf. (Ḥusn al-Talattuf, p.5). After explaining the various opinions concerning the origin of the term Sūfī, al-Kalābādhī (d.385/995) concludes: “If, however, the derivation from Sūf (wool) be accepted, the word is correct and the expression is sound from the grammatical point of view, while at the same it has all the (necessary) meanings, such as withdrawal from the world, inclining the soul away from it, leaving all settled abodes, keeping constantly to travel, denying the carnal soul its pleasures, purifying the conduct, cleansing the conscience, dilation of the breast, and the quality of leadership”. (Kitāb al-Ta‘arruf, p.10). Furthermore, he substantiates this by saying, “Wool is also the dress of the Prophets and the garb of the Saints”. (Ibid. p.7). Some scholars had claimed that the term Sūfi is derived from the Ahl as-Suffah (see Section 1), however al-Kalābādhī contends that, “their clothing was of wool, so that when any of them sweated, they gave off an odour like that of a sheep caught in the rain………………………al-Ḥasan al-Basrī said: ‘I have known seventy of those who fought at Badr, whose clothes were only of wool’ ”.(Ibid.). Nevertheless, true to their esoteric inclination, Sufis have been cautious of giving of giving too much importance to externalities such as clothing. Hujwayrī narrates that an eminent Sufi Shaykh was asked why he did not wear a patched frock. He replied: “It is hypocrisy to wear the garb of the Sufis and not to bear the burdens that Sufism entails”. (Kashf ul-Mahjūb, p.48 ). Hujwayrī contends: “ If, by wearing this garb, you wish to make known to God that you are one of the Elect, God knows that already; and if you wish to show to the people that you belong to God, should your claim be true, you are guilty of ostentation, and should it be false, of hypocrisy”. (Ibid.) The writer feels the term Sūfi is derived from both Suffah and Sūf, for Kalābādhī does mention that the early Sufis were called “Suffiyah Sūfiyyah”. (Kitāb al-Ta‘arruf, p.7).
[122] Among many Sufi Orders, especially the more ascetic ones, the Sufi is not allowed to possess from worldly things except a few necessary objects. Important among them is a pitcher, for without it, it is very difficult to perform ablution for prayer or to clean one’s body (check the chapter on ‘The Sufis’ conditions in Travel’ in the Risalāh of al-Qushayrī). Many famous wandering Sufis were known for carrying a pitcher with them all the times, among their very few worldly possessions. It should be noted here that contrary to many ascetic Orders in other religions, Muslim saints have emphasized greatly on outward purity and hygiene. Dirtiness has been considered a sin, in accordance with the blessed Prophet’s teachings,
[123] Sunnah can be broadly translated to mean the “Tradition of the Prophet Muhammad (s.a.w.)”. Sufi masters over the ages have emphasized on the practice of eating together. Eating alone has been considered a sin in the Sufi tradition.
[124] The Sufis divide
“religious Knowledge” into two categories, the Known/Outward and the
Hidden/Inner. Included in the former is the knowledge of Islamic beliefs (‘Aqīdah) and Laws (
[125] Among the principles of the
[126] Although Sufis have often been criticized for their hard acscetic lifestyles, with the claim that Islam does not sanction ‘hermitage’ and ‘monkery’, they have nevertheless supported their path with Ḥadīth such as the one al-Sulamī quoted now.
[127] Firāsah”, also termed “Kashf,” refers to a godly person’s Divinely inspired sense of perception through which his heart recieves intuitions about the hidden nature of things, people and events. The capacity for Firāsah, “may be a spontaneous gift in someone, or the result of heightened awareness resulting from spiritual discipline”.(The Concise Encyclopedia, p.127). The historian Ibn-Khaldūn (d.808/1406) says, while discussing Sufism and Sufis in his celebrated Muqaddimah (prologomena): “And this intense worship, seclusion and Dhikr (by the Sufis) is often followed by the uncovering of the veil of (the world of) sense (perception), and with the perception of worlds – with the permission of Allāh – of which the person with sense perception (only) has no perception of, and the spirit is from those worlds. The reason for this unveiling is that when the spirit returns from the external senses to the internal, sensory matters become weak and spiritual ones powerful and it’s (i.e. the spirit’s) authority prevails and it’s growth is renewed; and dhikr helps in this (growth of the spirit) for it is like the food (needed) for its growth”. (Al-Muqaddimah, p.289). Al-Qushayrī narrates in his celebrated Risālah from the famous Sufi Ibrāhīm al-Khawwās (d.291/905) that he once approached a certain strange looking man and greeted him. The man greeted him back with his name, Ibrāhīm. Upon being asked how he knew the name, the man (obviously a saint) replied: “He who knows Allāh, nothing is hidden from him”. (Al-Risālah, p.53). In the section concerning Firāsah in his Risālah, al-Qusharyī also narrates an interesting story regarding the powerful Firāsah perception of two of his own seniors in the Sufi way, one of whom is none other than our compiler here, al-Sulamī. I will mention the full incident in my comments on the Fortieth Section.
[128] According to
the Sufis, this Ḥadīth
Qudsī (i.e. a revelation of God which the Prophet narrates in his own
words) points to the state they term as Fanā‘-fi’Lllāh i.e. complete annihilation (of the
self) into Allāh, son that it does not see itself anymore, but only the
Divine Essence of everything in Existence. The one who reaches this state is
called, among other names, a Rabbānī
i.e. divinely inspired and led person.
The famous Sufi, ‘Abd-al-Karīm al-Jīlī (d.820/1417) says
in his celebrated work on the doctrine of the realization of the True Self, al-Insān al-Kāmil: “Unity has
in all the cosmos no place of manifestation more perfect than thyself, when
thou plungest thyself into thy own essence in forgetting all relationship, and
when thou seizest thyself with thyself, stripped of they appearances, so that
thou art thyself in thyself and none of the Divine Qualities or created
attributes (which normally pertain to thee) any longer refer to thee. It is
this state of man which is the most perfect place of manifestation for Unity in
all existence”. (The Concise Encyclopedia, p.414). Sufis also attribute the
supernatural powers of the Awliyā‘ to the state decribed in this Ḥadīth Qudsī. Therefore, while a materialist might find
it difficult to believe that a “Walī” can hear or help his disciple from far as
has often beem claimed by Sufis; the latter will state that such a thing is
very much possible for a Walī who sees, hears and moves by Allah, as
explained by the Prophet (SAW) in the above-mentioned authentic Ḥadīth Qudsī.
[129] Al-Qushayrī narrates in his Risālah, that Sayyidinā Abū-Bakr said: “We used to leave seventy permissible avenues (of business) in the fear that we might end up (through them) in an impermissible avenue”.(Al-Risālah, p.53). He mentions that as an example of the Sufi concept of Wara‘ which we discussed earlier on.
[130] It is reported that a certain person died leaving his property for ‘the intelligent people’ (al-‘Uqalā‘), so the people differed concerning who they were. The case was then presented to Imam al-Shāfi‘ī (d.205/820). He immediately said: “Give it to the pious for they are the truly intelligent ones”. Although many of the famous ascetic Sufis were considered to be lunatics and madmen by their contemporaries; according to their own kind, they were the real intelligent ones among God’s creation, as this Ḥadīth demonstrates.
[131] Samā‘ (lit.’listening to Song’) has
been and remains one of the most unique and controversial features of Sufi
praxis. To quote C.W. Ernst: “No other aspect of Sufism has been more
contentious, and at the same time more popular, than the practice of music and
dance”.(Guide to Sufism. p.179). Although the term Samā‘ carries varying connotations
in relation to different lands, periods of history and Sufi Orders, it
basically means ‘the listening to (and enjoyment of) poetry of a spiritual
kind, sung in melodious spiritual tones, with or without the accompaniment of
musical instruments, solitarily or in a gathering of like minded people’. Sufis
have engaged in Samā‘ from the
earliest times, as is evident from the earliest works written on Sufism. They
have claimed this to be a practice of the blessed Prophet (s.a.w) as he used to
enjoy listening to the poetry of his ‘court poet’ Hassān bin Thābit
and other Companions. The Ḥanbalī scholar
al-Safārinī (d.1188/1676) says, after mentioning the famous story of
Ka’ab bin Zuhayr: “One derives, from Ka’ab bin Zuhayr’s reciting of poetry in
the presence of the Messenger of Allāh (s.a.w.) and his (the Prophet’s)
giving him his cloak (as a reward), many traditions: 1-The permissibility of
reciting poetry. 2-(The permissibilty) Of listening to it in the Mosques. 3-To
reward (the reciter) for it.” ( Ghizā’
al-Albāb, p.155). The
Shāfi‘ī scholar al-Nawawī (d.676/1274) says: “There is no harm
in reciting poetry in the Mosque if it is in the praise of the Prophet or Islam”.
(Sharh al-Nawawī, vol.16, p.45). The Mālikī
Jurist Ibn al-‘Arabī (d.543/1147) states the same in his commentary on
Tirmidhī. (‘Āridat
al-Ahwazī, vol.2,
p.276). Nevertheless, Music, has generally been percieved to be
prohibited or disliked in Islam as it can distract its listeners from God, is
generally the pastime of worldy and vulgar people, and is part of the egoistic
amusements of the world. It is for these
bad connotations that Samā‘ has
been an issue of contention between Sufis and strict Jurists over the ages.
Nevertheless Sufis have contended that their type of Samā‘ or ‘Holy Music’ cannot be and is not included in the
general dislikedness of Music. Many later Jurists have accepted this premise.
The Famous Ḥanafi Jurist al-Ramlī states inhis Fatāwā, after mentioning the
different opinions concerning Music generally: “As far as the Samā‘ of
the respected Sufis, may Allāh be pleased with them, is concerned, it is
not included in this difference of opinion (concerning the permissibility of
Music). In fact, it transcends the ruling of permissibility (Mubāh) to the ruling of
being desired (Mustahabb), as
more than one of the acute scholars has clearly stated”. (Ḥaqā’iq, p.139). For the Sufis, Samā‘
is a means of turning the soul towards God and a natural human expression of
love for him. The early Sufi Dhū-’n-Nūn al-Masrī
(d.245/865) said: “ Samā‘ is the rapture of God that incites hearts
towards God”.(Guide to Sufism, p.185). Al-Kalābādhī
(d.385/995), one of the earliest Sufi authors whose work is still extant,
writes: “Audition (of Samā‘) is
a resting after the fatigue of the (spiritual) moment, and a recreation for
those who experience (spiritual) states, as well as a means of awakening the
consciences of those who busy themselves with other things” (Kitāb al-Ta‘arruf, p. 56).
36 Sufis have differentiated, however,
between the types of listeners to Samā‘.
‘Ālī Hujwayrī (d.464/1063), author of the oldest Persian
treatise on Sufism, wrote: “Music is a presentment of Reality, which rouses the
heart to long for God; those who listen with what is real in themselves
participate in Reality; those who listen in selfish soulfulness participate in
Hell”. (The Concise Encyclopedia, p.351). Our own compiler here,
al-Sulamī authored a treatise on Samā‘
called Kitāb al-Samā‘ from which Hujwayrī and other early
Sufis have quoted. Today, Samā‘ takes different forms in different
cultures. In the Indo-Pak subcontinent, Samā‘ unanimously refers to the Qawwālī music of the Chishti Order. In
[132] The 11th, 12th
and 13th days of the last Islamic month, which are considered very holy.
[133] Music with instruments.
[134] Literally, Raqs means ‘Dance’. In the Sufi tradition, Raqs is a natural result of Samā’. To quote Glasse: “In particular, [Samā‘ ] music is used to create the appropriate state of mind for the performance of the the Ḥadrah, or sacred dance”. (The Concise Encyclopedia, p.351). In early Sufism however, to engage in Raqs willingly was called Tawājud, while engaging in it unconsciously was termed Wajd (lit. “ecstasy”). Although Wajd was more condoned than Tawājud, both phenomena came to be accepted (although, not necessarily practiced) by prominent Sufis. Al-Qushayrī quotes the the following Ḥadīth of the blessed Prophet as an origin and justification for Wajd and Tawājud: “Cry! And if you do not cry, make as if you are crying”. (al-Risālah. p.34). He also narrates that Imām al-Junayd was asked by the famous Sufi Ibn-Masrūq: “Do you not feel anything in the Samā‘?”. Al-Junayd replied with the following verse of Holy Qur’ān (27:88): “And you see the mountains solid (in their places), and they are passing as the clouds pass”.(Ibid.). He was implying that inner ecstasy is more preferable than the outer, and that is the practice of the accomplished Shaykhs. Nevertheless, the story continues that al-Junayd then asked the same question to Ibn-Masrūq and he replied that he does not move in public gatherings, however he engages in Tawājud while alone. Al-Qushayrī states: “And al-Junayd did not censure him (for that)”, thus concluding that al-Junayd, although not engaging in Tawājud himself, nevertheless approved of it (Ibid.). This can also be ascertained from the following saying of al-Junayd narrated by al-Kalābādhī who preceded al-Qushayrī by a century: “The Mercy (of God ) descends upon the Faqīr (i.e. a Sufi) on three occasions: “When he is eating, for he only eats when he is in need to do do so; when he speaks, for he only speaks when he is compelled to; and during audition (of Samā‘), for he only listens in a state of ecstasy”. (Kitāb al-Ta‘arruf, p.183). However, Hujwayrī appears to be quite critical of Raqs in his works. He states clearly that: “You must know that dancing (Raqs) has no foundation in either the religious Law (of Islam) or in the Path (of Sufism)” (Kashf ul-Mahjūb, p.416). In contrast, al-Sulamī, on whom Hujwayrī relies a lot, has named this chapter ‘Fī Ibāhāt al-Raqs’ i.e. ‘Concerning the Permissibility of Dancing’. This apparent contradiction between master and student can be cleared if we consider the fact that Hujwayrī does not equate Tawājud - which he considers ‘permissible’ – with what he terms as ‘Dancing’. We quote him: “But when the heart throbs with exhilaration, the rapture becomes intense, and the agitation of ecstasy is manifested, and conventional forms are gone, that agitation (idtirāb) is neither dancing nor foot-play nor bodily indulgence, but a dissolution of the soul. Those who call it ‘dancing’ are utterly wrong”. (Ibid.). Imām al-Qushayrī narrates a very interesting personal incident concerning Raqs and Firāsah. As the story also explains the high spiritual status of our own compiler here, al-Shaykh Abū-‘Abd-al-Rahmān al-Sulamī, I will conclude my commentary on al-Sulamī’s work with it. I quote al-Qushayrī: “I was once with the Master Abū-‘Alī (al-Daqqāq, d.405/1013), may Allāh have mercy on him, and the mention of Shaykh Abū-‘Abd al-Rahmān al-Sulamī, may Allāh have mercy on him, was brought up and it was said that he stands up during the Samā‘ in conformity with the Fuqarā’. So Master Abū-‘Alī said: ‘Someone like him, in his position! Calmness might be more preferable for him’. Then he (i.e. al-Daqqāq) told me (i.e. al-Qushayrī): ‘Go to him (i.e.al-Sulamī) now and you will find him sitting in his library and on the top of the books is a small square shaped red book which contains the poetry of al-Ḥusayn bin Mansūr (al-Ḥallāj, the extremely controversial Sufi, executed in 309/922). Take it and bring it to me without saying anything to him’. So I approached him (i.e. al-Sulamī) at midday and he was, in actual fact, in his library and that book was placed exactly where I was told. Then, when I sat down, Shaykh Abū ‘Abd al-Rahmān (al-Sulamī) started talking and said: ‘Some people used to censure one scholar for his movement in the Samā‘, then that person (i,e. the censurer) was seen one day, alone in his house whirling like a person engaged in Tawājud (willful ecstasy). So, when asked about that, he said that he had (finally) discovered the meaning of a certain difficult point and he could not control his joy and had to stand up and whirl. Consequently, he was told that their (i.e. the Sufis who dance) state is the same’. When I (i.e. al-Qushayrī) realized what Master Abū-‘Alī had ordered me with and how he had described and said it to me, and (also) the talk that emerged from Shaykh Abū 'Abd al-Rahmān’s mouth, I became puzzled and said (to myself): ‘How should I go about between them?. Then I thought to myself and said: ‘There is no way (to go about) except (speaking) the truth’. So, I said to him (i.e. al-Sulamī) that ‘Master Abū-‘Alī described this book to me and told me to bring it to him without asking the permission of the Shaykh, so I am here now and I fear you and cannot disobey him in any matter (as well), so what do you enjoin ?’. So, he (i.e.al-Sulamī) produced (a volume containing) sextets from the poems of al-Ḥallāj and it (also) contained a work of his called Kitāb al-Sayhūr fī Naqd al-Duhūr, and said: ‘Present this to him (al-Daqqāq) and tell him that I am (busy) reading that book (i.e. the one he had actually asked for) and copying poetry from it for my works’ ”. (al-Risālah. p.108). This eye-witnees account suffices to demonstrate al-Sulamī’s high status as a Walī.
[135] The venerated Tabi‘ī
and most eminent Jurist of Madinah in his age.
[136] Al-Sulamī is
mentioning the action of Sa‘īd bin al-Musayyib, an eminent Tābi’ī
and Jurist of the Salaf, as a proof for the permissibility of listening
to the singing of poetry and expression of ecstasy as is common amongst the
Sufis.
[137] Which corresponds with 1465
A.D.
[138] Extracted from: Trevor Norman, Trusts
and Shari’a law http://www.voisinlaw.com/pg573.htm July 2005
: Accessed 14 June 2007
[139] Achmat Davids, Mosques of Bo Kaap, Institute of Arabic and Islamic Research, Cape Town, 1980, pp100-107
[140] Davids, ibid, pp114-116, 119
[141] Ibid, pp120-126
[142] Davids, ibid, p134
[143] Davids, ibid, p146
[144] Davids, ibid, 147
[145] Davids, ibid, p170
[146] See Abdulkader Tayob,
Islam in
[147]
Abduragiem Hasan Salie, The Laws pertaining to mosques in Islam, Daddys
Books,
[148] Ibid, pp138-140
[149] Salie, ibid, pp138-143